RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Russia delivers 17 strikes at Ukrainian military-industrial sites over week

Russian forces delivered 17 strikes by precision weapons and unmanned aerial vehicles, hitting Ukrainian military-industrial enterprises, logistics centers, army and foreign mercenaries’ deployment areas over the past week in the special military operation in Ukraine, Russia’s Defense Ministry reported on Friday.

"On June 22-28, the Russian Armed Forces delivered 17 combined strikes by precision weapons and attack unmanned aerial vehicles, hitting energy facilities of Ukrainian military-industrial enterprises, military airfield infrastructure, logistics centers accumulating Western-supplied armaments, and also assembly and storage sites for attack unmanned aerial vehicles and naval drones. The strikes also targeted temporary deployment areas of Ukrainian troops and foreign mercenaries," the ministry said in a statement.

Russia’s Battlegroup North inflicts 1,560 casualties on Ukrainian army over week

Russia’s Battlegroup North kept advancing deep into the Ukrainian army’s defenses and inflicted roughly 1,560 casualties on enemy troops in the Kharkov area over the past week, the ministry reported.

"During the week, Battlegroup North units kept advancing deep into the enemy’s defenses and inflicted casualties on manpower and equipment of three Ukrainian army formations, a marine infantry brigade and three territorial defense brigades. The enemy’s losses amounted to 1,560 personnel, 12 armored combat vehicles and 43 motor vehicles," the ministry said.

In counterbattery fire, Russian forces destroyed 33 Ukrainian field artillery guns, among them seven foreign-made howitzers, three Nota and Bukovel-AD electronic warfare stations and two US-made AN/TPQ-50 counterbattery radar stations," the ministry said.

Russia’s Battlegroup West inflicts 3,230 casualties on Ukrainian army over week

Russia’s Battlegroup West inflicted roughly 3,230 casualties on the Ukrainian army in its area of responsibility over the past week, the ministry reported.

"The Ukrainian army’s losses in that frontline area over the past week amounted to 3,230 personnel, four armored combat vehicles, 40 motor vehicles, three Grad multiple rocket launchers and 24 field artillery guns, among them six US-made weapons," the ministry said.

Russian troops liberate Razdolovka community in DPR over past week

Russian troops liberated the settlement of Razdolovka in the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) over the past week, the ministry reported.

"Southern Battlegroup units liberated the settlement of Razdolovka in the Donetsk People’s Republic in active operations and gained better positions," the ministry said.

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Russian military says it captures eastern Ukraine village, Kyiv says fighting continues

Russia's Defence Ministry said on Friday that its forces had taken control of the settlement of Rozdolivka in eastern Ukraine, but Ukraine's military said heavy fighting was raging in areas around the settlement.

The Russian ministry said in a statement that Russia's "Southern" military grouping had taken up what it called more favourable positions after pushing Ukrainian forces out of the settlement.

Rozdolivka is located in Donetsk region, the focal point of Russia's slow advance across eastern Ukraine. It lies north of Bakhmut and Soledar, two localities brought under Russian control last year after being flattened in months of battles.

The Ukrainian military's General Staff, in an evening report on Friday, said Russian forces had launched 19 attacks in a broad sector that included Rozdolivka.

"Our soldiers resolutely held their defences and repelled 15 of the assaults," the report said. "Four armed confrontations are continuing."

Reuters could not verify battlefield accounts from either side.

Russian forces pressing forward along the 1,000-km (600-mile) front line have captured several villages in eastern regions since they captured the strategic town of Avdiivka in February.

Tass/Reuters

I am beginning to believe the common saying that “power corrupts” quite beyond its original context, either because of the exceeding and degenerative continuing trends of African leaders from forgetting the promises they had campaigned for and the background they had come from by ruling with a fierce hand and inconsiderate motivations. Sometimes, the belief has been that the right leader for the suffering citizenry should come from the group of those who have faced similar trauma. Well, the recent trend of African leadership had rendered such belief a mere lofty assumption.

President William Ruto of Kenya had climbed his way to the top through the impossibilities of the African political classes and bought the hearts of the people with the various problems he faced on his way up. He was voted with the people’s conviction that they had voted a “Hustler-in-Chief” in office. I mean, he had had to hustle the sales of chicken on the roads. People should have seen that he was far from being a hustler, as he claimed after his political assignments in the country and the corruption allegations against him. But the Kenyans were further persuaded by his determination and relatability; he had said, “We want everyone to feel the wealth of this country. Not just a few at the top.” The campaign’s points against his opponent, Odinga, at the election was that he represented the image of the Kenyan hustlers against the Odinga dynasty and was only convinced to “put food on the table” of the Kenyans. I am not sure many remember that he started his political career under Moi, receiving money to purchase votes and launder images.

Like many of the average politicians in Africa, Ruto quickly lost sight of the plight of the people and stiffened the air that the poor breathed. Having this background imprinted on the back of the minds of the people, the expectation of the people as to what Ruto would use his good office to do was either to make the situation better or to ensure it does not get worse than it is. One would not blame the citizens. Perhaps the people failed to notice that his game was to serve the interests of Washington D.C. to the extent that he damaged the name of his country in support of genocide, incurring curses from those who lost their lives in the Mau Mau struggles. In enjoying the red carpet treatment offered to him by the U.S., travelling there in a charted plane paid for by nameless friends, Ruto is too naïve to remember the policy statements as enunciated by Henry A. Kissinger:

To be an enemy of America can be dangerous, but to be a friend is fatal. America has no permanent friends or enemies, only interests.

We should ask Ruto: is it true that there were American observers in the Parliament on the day they voted for the Finance Bill 2024? Maybe your political enemies made up the story. Could it also be true that parliamentarians received bribes before they voted for the bill? Another rumour? Other rumours, but who is driving the obsession to drive the bill? If the country needs to pay its debt, why not shift the burden to Ruto and his friends, who are already enjoying so much?

The task of a government is torn between the need to satisfy state realities and the welfare of the people they govern. Often, many African governments have tilted towards these economic steps without considering the welfare of their people at the very moment. They unknowingly separate the people’s wishes, experiences, and priorities from those grand economic plans and realities they claim to address. Well, leaving out the different shenanigans of the politicians in Africa and those in Kenya, policies are created without reading the room.

Ruto and his cohorts have been making policies upon policies with the claim to stabilize the economy and other supposed grand schemes for the nation. The government’s Finance Bill was supposed to cover the next financial year from July to June, giving the skeletal financial framework of the country. The Bill intends to solve the country’s many economic and financial crises by putting heavy loads on the people without thinking outside the box.

The bill increases the taxes on commodities, such as bread and annual returns on vehicles. The bill puts the Motor Vehicle Tax at 2.5% annually with a minimum benchmark of KES 5,000 and not more than KES 100,000, which is safe only for government vehicles and ambulances. Multinational enterprises are put on a 15% tax, and their annual turnover is 750 euros. This also includes digital service tax increments, adjustments to withholding taxes, digital content, and VAT. The bill introduced a 16% tax on bread and an excise duty on consumables like cooking oil and other basic items. The SMEs are faced with more taxes and liabilities than in previous years.

The supposed reasoning of the government is to generate more revenue to enable it to service the numerous debts it had incurred over the years. It targets about $2.7 billion from the taxes to service the budget deficit and make provisions for the supposed running of the government. Another justification was that the increments would allow the government to meet the IMF requirements and recommendations for Kenya’s economic restructuring and efforts to stabilize critical public services like healthcare, infrastructure, and education.

While the justifications behind these policies might appear convincing, the policies, forming the means, are way off the track to achieve any. You can not tax people out of poverty because no one gives what he does not have: Nemo quo dat non habet. At the moment, more than 36.1% of the total Kenyan population lives below the poverty line of the country, and the statistics of those living below the $1.90 per cent daily earning have been of regrettable concern as of 2023. The country maintains an unfavourable unemployment rate with a projection of an increment of 2% before the end of this year and with about 2.9 million persons unemployed. Aside from these many problems, the rate of job losses across the country has been increasing lately, with more than 70,000 job losses recorded between the end of 2022 and 2023.

You see, every act and policy of any country must gain validity from the will of the people and the welfare of the same. With the long history of suffering the people, one Ruto claimed to have hustled through, and the contemporary complications on the survival possibilities of the people, the primary objectives of any reasonable government should be to make the people as comfortable as they can get. Imposing a 16% tax on bread and oil that people find difficult to buy or any common food they long for is an evil disguised in the name of doing good. Why not limit them to eating two meals a day and drinking water for dinner?

This begs the question of why the people must be suffocated at every point of governmental inconvenience. The task is not to make policies in a vacuum but to primarily alleviate the suffering of the people at best or to ensure no complications at least. It is quite unfortunate and unfair that the poor, whom Ruto had claimed to have hustled with, are left to bear the burden while the rich and influential bask in pools of Kenyan commonwealth. The allegations of corrupt practices in the Kenyan government have been at an alarming rate, and one wonders why the government has not looked at the sabre-toothed cankerworms that eat into the economic sanity of the nation.

The Kenyan judiciary has been charged with different levels of corrupt practices, leading to some faceoff between the stakeholders. The misappropriation of the KES 20 billion that was supposedly planned for the Soin-Koru Dam restoration, The KEMSA scandal pointing to the misappropriation of health funds, including illegal awarding of tenders to the tune of about $72 million during Covid-19, the heavy lootings by Kenya Public servants to the tune of $3.8 million just by the end of June 2023, and other lavish lifestyles of officials are some of the disgraceful issues and instances that have quickened the spirit of the people against unfavourable policies. Amid this crisis, Ruto, the supposed Hustler-in-Chief, without relating with the plight of the people and failing to show that the country is in urgent need of funds, decided to charter a private jet to both Atlanta and Washington D. C at a cost of about $1.5 million. $1.5 million on a trip when his people suffer? So, can Ruto impose a tax on sanitary pads to recoup? Is the menstruation blood needed for some kind of ritual to remain in power?

It is reasonable that when perseverance becomes too difficult, every human being will resist. This was the case in the Kenya population’s resistance to the Finance Bill 2024. If the government fails to read the room to understand what the people face, it will start a war against its citizens. After the announcement of the Bill, Ruto and the parliament have faced severe opposition and protests, and from June 18, 2024, protests had intensively started from social media and Nairobi and spread to Nakuru, Kisumu, Mombasa, Nyeri, and Eldoret. On June 20, 2024, the protest had escalated to a national crisis.

The highlight of this discussion rests on the government’s response to the expression of agitation among its people. The government faced the people like it was fighting its enemies. Some reporters claimed that about 22 people had been killed, 300 injured, and about 50 people arrested by the security operatives as of June 26, 2024. In fact, the President had claimed that the protest had turned into a threat to national security, and many “criminals” had pretended to be protesters, intending to terrorize the government. How can Ruto call the citizens he governs criminals?

The same way the economic issue is handled wrongly is how the protest escalation was handled carelessly. The arrogance of the government has blinded its eyes from the need to expediently respond to the plight of the people and catch the protest at its early stage by taking preliminary steps at achieving and not being apprehensive with the same people that put him in office. I believe that the Parliament’s insensitive attitudes that made them go ahead with the Finance Bill is an affront to democracy, which is obvious evidence of their inability to understand the people’s claims. In addition, the latter concession of the President, refusing to sign the bill, is equivalent to medicine after death. Kenya would not be erased from the map if it suspends the passing of the Bill in order to achieve peace and for a more diplomatic approach.

It is more disheartening that the treatment of the people in their biggest moment of vulnerability has come from a man who has claimed to have once been like them. A man who had promised to make their lives comfortable and one who promised to bring sanity to their welfare care. It is important that if there will be anything to savage at all, it is pertinent that Ruto and its government drop the arrogance and show more intentionality about promoting peace without violence. The first solution is not to impose more taxes on people who can barely survive: once again, you can not tax people out of poverty.

“Hustler-in-Chief” treat your people with respect and do not suffocate the suffocating citizenry anymore.

"We'd go to the mall for a few hours, grab something to eat, walk across the street to the theater and see a movie, then have someone pick us up or take us to late-night bowling or roller skating. We were hardly home!"

Recently, members of the BuzzFeed Community shared how they had fun before the internet, and the responses were both wholesome and VERY nostalgic! So nostalgic, in fact, that they inspired even more people to share their experiences. Here are some of the best responses:

1. "Sitting by the radio for hours to wait for the ONE song I wanted to record on a cassette so I could listen to it on repeat. Hanging out at a bowling alley every Friday night to not even bowl (because no one had money) but just drink pop and hang out at the tables and cause a ruckus."

Shanina / Getty Images/iStockphoto

—tundra28

2. "Cosmic bowling, followed by Denny's until 1 or 2 a.m.! Or, because gas was so cheap, we'd just drive around for hours with the windows down, blasting the radio."

Fotografia Inc. / Getty Images

—karileah143

3. "I have I think 18 cousins on my mom's side alone, so we spent summers outside in our grandma's yard just going nuts. Wiffleball, kickball, frisbee, made-up games, picking cherry tomatoes and green beans from the garden, and picking honeysuckles and berries off bushes by the fence. On days we had to stay inside, there were a few board games we could play, but we mostly liked playing different versions of the alphabet game, or playing restaurant where we drew up all the menus ourselves...just like basic '90s kid stuff."

Maskot / Getty Images/Maskot

—purpletruck35

4. "Our greatest games included lawn ornament swaps where we’d find adjacent yards with lawn ornaments and switch them around, getting free pizzas by ordering Domino's then running the two blocks to the train tracks and completing the circuit so the lights would flash and the arms would go down, making the pizza delivery over 30 minutes, and the most fun one: there would be 5-6 of us walking down the street, we’d see a cop and just scatter in different directions. Inevitably, we would be chased because, obviously, kids who run are up to something. And we were. We were up to screwing with them because why not?"

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—trishmcdermott

5. "I was a '70s kid, '80s teen. Lots of hanging out at the library reading everything, puzzle books, messing around at the park, reading the newspaper (comics! sports stats!), partying, going to concerts and plays, and honestly watching way too much TV (highlighting the TV Guide every week)."

Wundervisuals / Getty Images

—shelleye

6. "My friend and I (and the three younger boys who lived next door to her) would spend every day in the woods around our subdivision. Our subdivision had been built on an old, ruined monastery, so we found a lot of religious paraphernalia (statues of angels, vials of holy water, crosses, etc.) but we liked finding animal bones. Further away was a river but going there meant dealing with a gang of wild turkeys. Their territory was an old rusted car, and they hated us getting near it. So we'd go there to pay our respects to our turkey lords but otherwise leave them alone."

Pekic / Getty Images

—lacjiba

7. "We would walk up and down this long downtown street that runs through three towns (including my hometown) and we would pop into stores, run into other friends, and flirt with boys we would meet, lol. And you could get away with your parents not really knowing where you were — all I had to do was have a quarter and I would call my mom from any random payphone to 'check in.'"

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—cute-as-ducks419

8. "My best friend and I lived about two miles apart, so we'd call each other and agree on a time to start walking and eventually meet somewhere in the middle and figure out plans from there. We kept ourselves busy with stupid photo shoots on disposable cameras (and then wait a WEEK for the results), or if we were being really fancy, we'd beg her parents to drive us to Applebee's so we could go flirt with the cute boys that worked there. We explored vintage and thrift shops, once went horseback riding with some random kids we met, and countless other things our parents had zero idea we were doing. What a time to be alive!"

Marco_piunti / Getty Images

—andreau

9. "One night in high school, my buddies and I bought a bunch of $1 tubs of cotton candy at Walmart and were eating them in the little park oval in the middle of our town. We saw a cop car drive by and dove under the benches like we would get caught for doing something illegal? Totally sober, just eating cotton candy at 1 a.m. in the old colonial village town park."

Vitalii Puzankov / Getty Images

—deutschenheimer

10. "The summer was all about the public pool. I spent hours there with my friends every day, picking up diving sticks, playing hide and seek, having handstand competitions, learning flips, eating at the snack shack, and playing tetherball."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—lizk41ced1621

11. "During the day, there would always be a basketball game, baseball game, or football game being played somewhere in my small town. If there wasn’t, there was always riding bikes around the neighborhood or walking along the railroad tracks catching frogs. Then, at night, we would usually play hide-and-seek on our block until everyone had to go in when their parents yelled out the front door for them to come home."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—blueshield54

12. "I am in my late 60s, so we didn’t have internet or computers. After school, we would ride bikes and play in the canyons around our house. Lots of us would go down the canyon when it was raining and climb up the hillsides and go mud sliding all the way down to the bottom. We'd spend the whole afternoon doing that, it was a blast. We would go to the movies on Fridays, sometimes we would go to Ferrall's Ice Cream Parlor to eat ice cream and hang out."

Vincent Besnault / Getty Images

—awfulmeat26

13. "I had a cool neighborhood of over 10 kids. We would play ‘kick the can’ and touch football, riding our bikes for endless miles."

Lisa5201 / Getty Images

—lisas4bb382393

14. "There were a lot of kids growing up in Sotel, California, a small neighborhood in West Los Angeles. When we were young, we’d hang out at the beach all summer, riding bikes, mopeds, or rollerblading. As we got older and had cars, we would meet up at the local gas station and jump into cars and go anywhere from the beaches, to Sunset Boulevard, to the Hollywood Hills. Lots of wild fun. Got into some trouble but I wouldn’t change it for the world."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—savoryorca28

15. "We had dial-up when I was a kid, but we barely used it because it was so slow. I lived in Florida, so we did lots of swimming. By high school, we had real internet but spent most of our time hanging out at the local Sonic in town or at someone’s kitchen table. On our wilder nights, we would go to Walmart and dig around for the best stuff in the $5 bins, or we’d play hide and seek in the store (which I’m now sure the employees hated)."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—runner1399

16. "As a teen in the mid-late 90s, the 'strip' of my small town was bumper-to-bumper traffic on Friday and Saturday nights! Every vehicle full of teenagers, just riding around town from a gas station at the city limits to the Dairy Queen and back! And only a few people had car phones at the time, so if u wanted to talk to someone in another vehicle, you would flash your lights or pump your brakes at their car to get their attention to pull over. Now, it's basically a ghost town after dark…gas being expensive doesn’t help matters either! Kinda sad, as some of my fondest memories were made just riding the strip."

Jerome Tisne / Getty Images

—georgiajaymes

17. "Before malls and rollerblading, I remember one local skating rink. Big nights were Friday and Saturday. Our parents would drop us off."

Powerofforever / Getty Images

—grumpydaredevil93

18. "Magazines, circling things in clothes catalogs, like Delia’s and J. Crew, and waiting six weeks for them to arrive. Fashion and brands weren’t available for kids who didn’t live in a big city. I talked to my friends on the landline for hours a day and memorized their numbers. I still know them as a 39-year-old."

Catherine Mcqueen / Getty Images

—princesscansuelabananahammock

19. "My teen years were like a study in geek chic. Nintendo while consuming mass quantities of Mountain Dew and Little Caesar’s; spending hours at the arcade in the basement of the mall; seeing the latest sci-fi movies and sneaking in snacks (I still have my ticket stubs from Stargate and Independence Day!); gathering at a friend’s house to watch Deep Space Nine or Voyager; playing Magic the Gathering until the wee hours of the morning; riding my bike EVERYWHERE. The internet is a good thing, for the most part, but I think kids are really missing out when it comes to childhood."

Imgorthand / Getty Images

—awkwardsmoothie20

20. "We would sit on the deck all night in high school with cigarettes, Diet Coke, and a package of Oreos. And let’s not forget, chili cheese Fritos! We would talk about everything and nothing. Also, a group of about 10 girls would get into this huge mud fight in the local lake they drained for electricity purposes in the winter. So fun, but so cold!"

Bernd Vogel / Getty Images

—bougielegend71

21. "We'd go to the mall for a few hours, grab something to eat, walk across the street to the theater and see a movie, then have someone pick us up or take us to late-night bowling or roller skating. We were hardly home!"

Kiwis / Getty Images

—friesfriesfries

How did you pass the time as a kid/teen before the internet? Share your story in the comments! Or, fill out this anonymous form. Your response could be featured in a future BuzzFeed Community post.

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) secured N284.26 billion from eager investors during its latest Nigerian Treasury Bills (NTBs) auction held on Wednesday, June 26, 2024. According to results from the Debt Management Office (DMO), the auction drew substantial interest, with total subscriptions reaching N773.98 billion, significantly exceeding the initial offer of N228.72 billion.

Treasury Bills serve as a key tool for the CBN to manage monetary policy by controlling money supply, and they also provide the government with short-term funding to bridge budget deficits. The recent auction marks a notable increase of 417.1% in the amount offered compared to the N44.23 billion offered in the previous auction on June 13, 2024. Additionally, total subscriptions saw an 89.8% rise from N407.76 billion, while total sales surged by 414.7% from N55.23 billion.

The auction featured three tenors: 91-day, 182-day, and 364-day bills, all of which saw strong demand that surpassed the offer amounts, reflecting robust investor interest.

Auction Details:

- 91-day bills: Offered at N29.83 billion, received subscriptions worth N36.29 billion, and allotted N28.15 billion. Bid range: 15.98% to 24.00%, stop rate: 16.30%. Maturity: September 25, 2024.

- 182-day bills: Offered at N30.67 billion, received subscriptions worth N40.58 billion, and allotted N36.44 billion. Bid range: 17.00% to 21.00%, stop rate: 17.44%. Maturity: December 25, 2024.

- 364-day bills: Offered at N168.21 billion, received subscriptions worth N697.11 billion, and allotted N219.67 billion. Bid range: 16.00% to 25.00%, stop rate: 20.68%. Maturity: June 25, 2025.

The significant subscription rate and robust demand across all tenors underscore the continued appeal of Treasury Bills among yield-hungry investors in Nigeria.

The national assembly has passed the bills seeking the extension of the capital component of the 2023 budget and the Supplementary Appropriation Act.

The federal lawmakers granted an extension from June to December, following a request by President Bola Tinubu.

The senate and house of representatives passed the bills on Thursday after considering their clauses at the committee on supply.

The passage was preceded by a rowdy session at the house of representatives.

The president, in a letter read by Tajudeen Abbas, speaker of the house, asked the green chamber to extend the implementation of the capital components of the 2023 budget and Supplementary Appropriation Act from June 30 to December 31.

After Abbas read the letter, some lawmakers opposed the call for the debate of the president’s request.

Julius Ihonvbere, majority leader of the house, moved for the debate of the bill, saying the amendment does not alter the content of the bill but just the date.

Kingsley Chinda, minority leader of the house, expressed concern that the two budgets are running concurrently.

He said the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) administration was criticised for lacking a clear budgetary cycle, adding that the current administration is potentially repeating the mistake.

The ranking legislator demanded that the bill be stepped down to enable the government to “go back to the drawing board”.

Sada Soli, an All Progressives Congress (APC) lawmaker from Katsina, opposed Chinda, saying the PDP lawmaker was “playing to the gallery”.

“I admire the PDP for playing to the gallery. You cannot extend the supplementary budget without the main budget,” he said.

His comment prompted vocal protests from the lawmakers.

Reacting, Ado Doguwa, a ranking APC member from Katsina, said: “I agree with the submission made by the minority of the house.

“Even though it is legal, it is unprecedented. That moral question will always be raised.”

He, however, appealed to his colleagues to support the bill, saying the president would understand the body language of the lawmakers.

Following the bickering, the lawmakers moved into an executive session.

The Cable

The scenes unfolding in Kenya, where protests over proposed tax hikes have escalated into a full-blown political crisis, should serve as a stark warning to other African nations. The Kenyan government's attempt to increase taxes amid rising economic hardship and persistent corruption has triggered widespread unrest, leading to violent clashes, multiple deaths, and a call for President William Ruto's resignation. This situation offers a poignant lesson for Nigeria, where the Bola Tinubu administration is pursuing economic policies that could similarly ignite public outrage.

Kenya’s turmoil began with an online outpouring of anger against tax increases on essential goods. What started as digital dissent rapidly evolved into a nationwide protest movement, culminating in violent confrontations that claimed at least 23 lives. Despite President Ruto's decision to withdraw the contentious finance bill, the protesters remain undeterred, demanding broader political reforms and his resignation. The protests highlight the deep-seated frustration of Kenyans with their government’s economic mismanagement and corruption.

Nigeria finds itself on a similar precipice. The Tinubu administration’s adherence to economic directives from Bretton Woods institutions, despite the severe hardship faced by the populace, mirrors Kenya’s missteps. Recent reports of the Nigerian government’s plan to purchase two new luxury jets for the president and vice president have exacerbated public discontent. Such expenditures are perceived as a stark contrast to the austerity measures and economic sacrifices demanded of ordinary Nigerians.

The situation in Kenya underscores the potential consequences of ignoring public sentiment and pursuing policies that disproportionately affect the impoverished majority. President Ruto’s climbdown on the tax hikes was a significant victory for the protestors, but the damage to his administration’s credibility may be irreparable. The Kenyan crisis illustrates that governments cannot disregard the socioeconomic realities of their citizens without risking widespread unrest and instability.

For Nigeria, the message is clear: the implementation of economic policies must be balanced with empathy and responsiveness to the people’s needs. The Tinubu administration’s focus on securing external financing and reducing deficits should not overshadow the imperative to alleviate domestic suffering. Extravagant government expenditures, such as the planned luxury jets, are not only insensitive but also fuel the perception of a detached and indifferent leadership.

Moreover, the Nigerian government must be cautious of underestimating the power of social media and youth-led movements. Kenya’s protests were largely organized online, demonstrating the effectiveness of digital platforms in mobilizing and unifying disparate groups around a common cause. As Nigeria continues to grapple with economic challenges, the government would do well to heed the voices of its young, tech-savvy population.

The events in Kenya should serve as a cautionary tale for Nigeria and other African nations. It's time for leaders to recognize that the patience of their people is not inexhaustible. The choice is clear: address the root causes of economic hardship and corruption, or face the wrath of a populace that has reached its breaking point.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

A Nigerian national, Adam Mohammad Bakur Mohammad Ibrahim, 24, has been seeking Russian citizenship since May 2024. 

He joined the Skif Cossack battalion in November 2023, where he was given the call sign 'Vanka' and participated in special military operations (SVO) as a member of the unit.

In December 2023, Russian media featured a story on Vanka, a Nigerian national who had captured a Ukrainian soldier, as seen in a video posted online, RT reports. 

After completing his six-month contract, Adam returned to Voronezh, where he had previously studied at the Academy of Sports. He hoped to resume his studies and obtain Russian citizenship, but faced obstacles in acquiring a Russian passport. 

Seeking assistance, Ibrahim reached out to RT. His journey in Russia began in September 2023, when he enrolled in the Voronezh State Academy of Sports. Two months later, in November 2023, he took a leave of absence from his studies to join the special military operation (SVO), with the academy's consent.

“In November 2023, I wanted to volunteer for the Northern Military District,” Adam told RT. “I went because I wanted to stay in Russia after studying and become a citizen of this country.”

As a non-Russian citizen, Adam was unable to enter into a contract directly with the Ministry of Defense. However, there is a legal workaround for foreign nationals who wish to support Russia's military efforts: they can sign an agreement with an organization authorized to carry out tasks assigned to the Russian Armed Forces in the Northern Military District. 

Adam enlisted in the Skif Cossack battalion, which is part of the Terek Cossack brigade, and was given the call sign 'Vanka' during his service.

Adam signed the agreement on November 11, 2023, and was initially assigned as a shooter. 

However, he quickly demonstrated his versatility and acquired an additional skillset as a UAV operator while on the front lines. During his deployment, Adam participated in combat missions in the Soledar direction, earning a reputation as an exemplary warrior, as noted by the chief of staff of the Skif DRO in his official description of Adam's service.

The document reads, “During his participation in the special operation for the denazification and demilitarization of Ukraine and being in the Adam Mohammad Bakur detachment, Mohammad Ibrahim with the call sign Vanka, in the position of shooter, established himself as a responsible, courageous, conscientious, strong-willed, disciplined warrior. 

“In the performance of his patriotic duty, he performed combat missions, despite the conditions directly associated with the risk of life. During the period of a special military operation on the territory of Ukraine for the specified period, as part of the 35th separate volunteer detachment "Skif" repeatedly participated in hostilities in direct contact with the enemy on the front line of defense of the detachment. He enjoys well-deserved authority and respect within the team.”

When Adam's contract with Skif expired on May 4, 2024, he returned to Voronezh, planning to resume his studies and expecting to do so as a newly minted citizen of the Russian Federation, having hoped to have his citizenship application processed during his time away fighting.

While Adam was serving on the front lines, President of the Russian Federation's Decree No. 10, dated January 4, 2024, came into effect. 

The decree stipulates the conditions for foreign citizens, like Adam, who have signed a military service contract with the Russian Armed Forces or affiliated military formations, and their family members, to be admitted to Russian citizenship.

According to the presidential decree, Adam is eligible for simplified Russian citizenship, allowing him to bypass the usual naturalization process and gain citizenship through a more expedited route.

Despite being eligible for simplified citizenship under the presidential decree, Adam's efforts to obtain Russian citizenship have been met with failure so far. 

The young man alleges that he sought assistance at the Voronezh EMC, but was left without guidance or support. Meanwhile, returning to his home country of Nigeria has become a risky proposition for Adam, as he faces potential imprisonment for mercenary activities.

Adam said, “I stayed on the front line for six months, my contract expired on May 4. 

“Now I have a problem with obtaining citizenship. For now I am in Voronezh and continue to study at VGAS. At home they could arrest me, they could give me 20 years in prison.”

Sahara Reporters

Israel storms Gaza City neighbourhood, orders Palestinians to go south

Israel stormed a neighbourhood in Gaza City on Thursday, ordering Palestinians to move south as tanks rolled in and bombing the southern city of Rafah in what it says are the final stages of an operation against Hamas militants there.

Residents of the Shejaia neighbourhood in Gaza City said they were surprised by the sound of tanks approaching and firing in the early afternoon, with drones also attacking after overnight bombing of the city, which Israel had combed early in the war.

"It sounded as if the war is restarting, a series of bombings that destroyed several houses in our area and shook the buildings," Mohammad Jamal, 25, a resident of Gaza City, told Reuters via a chat app.

Later on Thursday, the Palestinian Civil Emergency Service said the Israeli military strikes had killed at least seven people in Shejaia so far. More casualties are feared to be under the rubble where rescue teams cannot reach, it said.

Footage obtained by Reuters showed women, men and children carrying bags and food as they ran in the streets after the raid began. Some men carried injured children, some bleeding, in their arms as they fled.

"This is the (Israeli) occupation targeting us, as you can see. You can see the children, the targeting of children here," said a man carrying a bleeding boy in his arms.

An Israeli military spokesperson said they had no comment on reports of casualties in Shejaia.

The armed wing of Hamas ally Islamic Jihad said it had detonated a pre-planted explosive device against an Israeli tank east of the district.

Israel accuses the militants of hiding among civilians and says it warns displaced people to get out of the way of its operations against the fighters.

"For your safety, you must evacuate immediately south on Salah al-Din Street to the humanitarian zone," army spokesperson Avichay Adraee posted on social media platform X in a call to residents and displaced people in Shejaia.

Residents and Hamas media said the tanks had moved in before the post and that people from the eastern suburb were running westward under fire as Israel had blocked the road south.

Just before midnight, an Israeli airstrike struck the headquarters of the Palestinian Civil Emergency Service in Al-Nuseirat camp in the central Gaza Strip, killing three members, the rescue service said. It said the new deaths raised to 74 the number of staff killed by Israeli fire since Oct. 7.

In Rafah, where tanks have advanced in several neighbourhoods since May 7, medics said four Palestinians were killed by tank shells that landed in the western area of the city, where the Israeli army deepened its incursion in recent days. There has been no Israeli immediate comment on the two incidents.

More than eight months into Israel's war on Gaza triggered by the Hamas-led cross-border attack on Oct. 7, aid officials say the enclave remains at high risk of famine, with almost half a million people facing "catastrophic" food insecurity.

"We are being starved in Gaza City, and are being hunted by tanks and planes with no hope that this war is ever ending," Jamal said.

In southern Gaza, drone footage on social media, which Reuters could not immediately authenticate, showed dozens of houses destroyed in parts of Rafah, with the Swedeya village on the western side of the city wiped out.

There was no immediate Israeli military comment on the military action.

International mediation backed by the U.S. has failed to yield a ceasefire agreement although talks are continuing amid intense Western pressure for Gaza to receive more aid.

Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said on Wednesday that he had discussed his proposals for governance of post-war Gaza that would include local Palestinians, regional partners and the U.S. but that it would be "a long and complex process".

Senior U.S. officials told Gallant, who was visiting Washington, that the U.S. would maintain a pause on a shipment of heavy munitions for Israel while the issue is under review. The shipment was paused in early May over concerns the weapons could cause more Palestinian deaths in Gaza.

Hamas says any deal must end the war and bring full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, while Israel says it will accept only temporary pauses in fighting until Hamas, which has ruled Gaza since 2007, is eradicated.

When Hamas-led militants stormed into southern Israel last October, they killed around 1,200 people and seized more than 250 hostages, according to Israeli tallies.

The Israeli offensive in retaliation has so far killed 37,765 people, the Gaza health ministry said on Thursday, and has left the tiny, heavily built-up Gaza Strip in ruins.

The Gaza health ministry does not distinguish between combatants and non-combatants, but officials say most of those killed have been civilians. Israel has lost 314 soldiers in Gaza and says at least a third of the Palestinian dead are fighters.

Reuters

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine does not want to ‘prolong war’ - Zelensky

A settlement plan to end the Russia-Ukraine conflict should be tabled within the next few months, Vladimir Zelensky has said, claiming Kiev does not actually seek to prolong hostilities for years to come.

He made the remarks on Thursday during a joint press conference with European Council President Charles Michel. Zelensky had traveled to Brussels to sign a security deal with the European Union guaranteeing defense assistance to Kiev, including weapons deliveries and training.

Zelensky used the opportunity to claim that he is not actually seeking to prolong hostilities for years to come.

“Ukraine does not want to prolong the war. We do not want it to last for years,” Zelensky stated, making a rare remark on the extent of damage and casualties suffered during the two and a half-year-long conflict.

“We have many wounded and killed on the battlefield. We must put a settlement plan on the table within a few months,” he added without providing any exact figures.

Kiev has long kept silent on the casualties it has suffered in the conflict, insisting instead that it has inflicted massive damage on Russian troops. In February of this year, Zelensky claimed as few as 31,000 Ukrainian troops had been killed in the two years of conflict.

Russian Defense Minister Sergey Belousov estimated recently that Kiev had lost 35,000 troops in May alone while his predecessor Sergey Shoigu claimed in February that Ukraine had lost more than 440,000 soldiers throughout the conflict.

The extremely heavy losses suffered by the Ukrainian military are implicitly corroborated by the ever-intensifying forced mobilization drive in the country as well as frequently reported attempts by draft dodgers to escape the country.

The recruitment drive, launched early into the conflict, has been growing increasingly violent, with numerous videos circulating online showing enlistment officers snatching would-be recruits in the streets, brawling with them, threatening them with firearms, and subjecting them to other forms of abuse.

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine military says Russian troops pushed out of part of key eastern town

Ukraine's military said on Thursday its forces had forced Russian troops out of a district in the town of Chasiv Yar on the war's eastern front seen as Moscow's next target in its slow advance through the area.

But a Russian report said Moscow's forces had destroyed a communications tower near the town and made further headway.

Russian forces are slowly pushing their way across parts of eastern Ukraine, capturing several villages since seizing the key city of Avdiivka in February.

Chasiv Yar stands on high ground 20 km (12 miles) to the west of Bakhmut, a town Russian forces captured a year ago after months of battles. Both sides see Chasiv Yar as a potential staging point for Russia to advance on the key cities of the eastern Donetsk region, including Kramatorsk and Sloviansk.

Nazar Voloshyn, a spokesman for Ukraine's southern group of forces, told the Ukrinform news agency that Russian forces had moved out of Chasiv Yar's "Kanal" district along the Siverskyi Donets-Donbas canal that runs along the town's eastern edge.

"Ukrainian defenders have indeed squeezed Russian forces out of the Kanal district in Chasiv Yar in Donetsk region," Ukrinform quoted Voloshyn as saying. "The enemy army is no longer there."

Voloshyn told other Ukrainian media outlets that Russian troops were shelling Kyiv's forces in more than 200 incidents over 24 hours, mostly on the town's southern approaches.

The Ukrainian military's General Staff, in a late evening report on Thursday, said Russian troops had tried to push back Ukrainian forces six times near Chasiv Yar. Three attacks were repelled and fighting still gripped the area.

Ukraine's embassy in Washington posted a plea on social media platform X to stop Russia's advance on Chasiv Yar, saying Russia was "desperately trying to wipe out the town targeting even damaged churches and civilian residential blocks of flats.

"We must prevent Russia from turning it into a ghost city before it's too late."

A dispatch by Russia's Tass news agency quoted the commander of a Russian brigade, Stanislav Orlov, as saying his forces had destroyed a communications tower on the town's highest point.

"This allowed for a breakthrough to be made without losses," the dispatch quoted him as saying.

Ukraine has long anticipated a Russian advance on the town.

Its top commander, Oleksandr Syrskyi, said last month that Moscow's forces had hoped to capture Chasiv Yar in time for May 9 ceremonies marking the anniversary of the Soviet victory in World War Two.

RT/Reuters

It was different 16 years ago. Very different. At that time, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was relatively new and walking where angels feared to tread. That was unusual for a government institution, especially a law enforcement agency.

So unusual that one of Nigeria’s most courageous social crusaders, Gani Fawehinmi, a thorn in government’s side, joined forces with the commission in the fight against corruption even when the man he loved to hate, Olusegun Obasanjo, was president.

But you couldn’t blame Gani. The first decade after transitioning to civilian rule in 1999 was an “enough moment” for Nigeria. It was a time when it became clear that among the country's many problems, corruption would either kill it or it would have to kill corruption.

Like Ribadu, like Githongo

Nuhu Ribadu, an assistant commissioner of police from a family with a distinguished record in the security services, had the most unwanted job of being the first chairman of the EFCC. He took the job when his counterpart in Kenya, John Githongo, was famously saying the most significant threat in fighting corruption is corruption itself. It would fight back.

Githongo was right. Corruption in Kenya fought him back so furiously that it exiled him to the UK. You can read the rest of the story in Michela Wrong’s It’s Our Turn to Eat. To help Ribadu deal with his own misery back home, the press pitched in big time. It took it as its own war to the point where the commission was often accused of media trial.

I felt obliged to document parts of that era in the bookThe Trial of Nuhu Ribadu: A Riveting Story of Nigeria’s Anti-corruption War, published by Spectrum Books.That was in 2008, when, as my mother would have said, the world was asleep. There was no Instagram, and Twitter was only two years old.

Mack Zuckerberg was 19, and Facebook was four. That was the era when respectable newspapers scooped one another by paying the author to be the first to serialise the book, while street rags ripped the same book for fast bucks. I know that thanks to technology, there has been a somewhat deadly mutation, but that’s not where I’m going.

Journey to a sequel

My point is that when I wrote my first book 16 years ago, the options and opportunities for sharing – or promotions – were minimal. Of course, big-time authors sold in millions even decades ago. But newbies like me still struggled with only perhaps a cat hell’s chance of making their voices heard. Not so anymore.

That’s one of the reasons why promoting my new book, Writing for Media and Monetising It, has been different. Unlike The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu,which you’ll have to scratch your head to remember if it was ever written and who the author was, this new book has been in your face from day one!

I have thoroughly enjoyed the experience of promoting it – being in front, sharing moments with followers and readers whose feedback, sometimes hilarious, sometimes cryptic, but mostly enthusiastic, has been altogether encouraging. After seeing the promotional videos, some folks have even jokingly asked if I had not missed my career train!

Beyond Nollywood things

Much of the impact of the promotional tour resonated during the public presentation of the book in Abuja on Wednesday, June 26 – an event that had one of the best collections of professionals and persons from all walks of life. It was conceived, developed, and executed by friends working assiduously in the background with LEADERSHIP and Premium Times Books.

You’ll have to believe me when I say Writing for Media and Monetising It is much more than the stunts and amateur videos. It’s a book written from my heart. The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu is different, not for a shortage of heart but for the nature of the narrative. It's a snapshot of what, at the time, was an evolving history.

This new book was, to paraphrase Francis Bacon, part of the repayment of the debt to my profession. I wrote this book to give back to the craft that fostered me.

The change we’re living through is relentless, a point poignantly made by Reuben Abati, who reviewed the book, and the cross-generational panel of discussants chaired by Abiodun Adeniyi. There is a shortage of resources, especially for young journalists, writers, and content creators, who must adapt well to the changing seasons. This book tries to fill the gap.

As contained in the statement by PT Books when the book was released, “navigating the exciting maelstromthat the media – and its various iterations or strands of practice – have become.” I couldn’t agree more.

Clear, simple and concise writing is a craft. Writing for Media and Monetising It, is not only about such writing. It is also about how to get compensation for it.

What’s in a book?

The book provides a step-by-step approach, with many examples and insights on media law, writing for impact, syndication, generative AI, and managing feedback and trolls, among other things.

The unique quality of the book is that it combines the seasons that fostered my career, to borrow from Sonala Olumhense’s blurb, with a narrative of how younger writers can take advantage and be rewarded by evolving trends in the media.

This 15-chapter book also benefits hugely from interviews with some of the best, from Abimbola Adelakun, Fisayo Soyombo to Ruona Meyer and from Farooq Kperogi, Sam Omatseye to Toyosi Ogunseye, and Pulitzer Prize winner Dele Olojede, who gave an interview for the first time in 13 years.

One matter that has come up repeatedly, both before and after the presentation, is whether it is possible to “make money” in the media today and, if so, whether that point is sufficiently addressed in the book. Unlike The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu, which tries to capture an evolving attempt to tackle systemic corruption and its inherent challenges, the new book examines the threats and opportunities in the media. Even though it focuses on journalists and journalism, its broader scope is how to get reward for literary work, especially in a convergent world.

The heart of the matter

The summary of the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, was that “The book significantly closes the gap between practice and entrepreneurship – a gap that has impoverished the media industry!” Of course, the media is not the only “victim” of the harsh economic tide.

But the point in Idris’s intervention, amplified by the panel comprising Kadaria Ahmed, Ahmed Shekarau and Emeke Ishiekwene, is also about adaptation and research – metrics that need not only be measured by the quantum of immediate financial gains. Scale, niche and leverage of a content creator’s cultural assets will deliver benefits, ultimately.

So, what next? That was another great question after Wednesday’s presentation. Will it take another 16 years before a sequel? There's never been a holiday between The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu and Writing for Media and Monetising It. But this work, which greatly benefited from the interviews and resources of great content creators, strongly suggests that to be more, we must challenge ourselves to do more!

** Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIPand author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.