Yoruba people have a proverb that translates, “When a youth stumbles, they look ahead; when an elderly stumbles, they look backwards.” As a child, I thought the proverb was talking about how children and elders contrarily process the embarrassment of falling in public. I assumed that an elder looks backwards when they fall because it would be too shameful to look elsewhere. Growing older helped me appreciate the wisdom the proverb encodes. The youth and the elderly look in opposite directions when they miss their footing to draw upon sources of wisdom available to them.

Foundering during one’s youth is a chance to look ahead and learn from the experiences of those who have walked a similar path. There is always someone ahead whose wisdom, insight, and experience one can readily call upon. An elder looks behind them to review their stumble because they are expected to have accrued enough experience to reflect and make amends.

When President Bola Tinubu fell on his face during the Democracy Day celebrations, I briefly wondered what the Yoruba in their wisdom had to say about the direction an elderly president looks when they lose their balance.

What happened to Tinubu was, of course, a physical fall and not the metaphorical one that the proverb reflected on. Yet, tripping up on Democracy Day of all days— especially for a man who boasts he helped fight military dictatorship—symbolises his presidency more than anything else. He is a faltering leader, and I want to believe that even he knows that this presidency of a thing is way beyond his much-vaunted abilities. Forget the repeated excuse of him inheriting a bad situation (every president since 1999 has said the same anyway), this man has confronted a situation whose scale neither his administrative abilities nor the propaganda machine that propagated his managerial capabilities can possibly sustain. His second year as president has started counting, but his leadership remains as unexciting as it was on Day One.

I observed two sets of responses to Tinubu’s fall. Younger people, especially those with social media accounts, thought it was funny and were quick to restage the moment he slipped in many satirical skits that instantly flooded social media. Given the anonymity social media platforms offer, the moral accountability and cultural codes of respect that would otherwise restrain us from laughing at the pitiable sight of an old man falling down are far looser. When you are young and vibrant, I suppose an old person whose body has succumbed to the will of nature can be a comic spectacle. Even if it occurs to you that you could one day end up the same way, the possibility will still be so remote that you could laugh.

Older people, especially those closer to the generation of the president, did not think his tripping over was funny. Not only did they demonstrate a fellow feeling for the president, but they were also mortified by the irreverence of youths laughing at an elder. Despite the justified criticisms, I do not see the satirists as lacking either empathy or even good manners. The man who stumbled on Democracy Day was no random elder but a political figure already despised by a younger generation for everything he represents. Few things in life can possibly be as delightful as the irony of a person who sells their soul to acquire invincible political power losing their physical balance. It was the same reason the internet went wild when former Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe tripped and fell on a red carpet in 2015.

Perhaps because I am caught between the older and younger generations, I am ambivalent at the sight of a president falling on his face. When you have seen videos of people falling on the road out of the hunger Tinubu’s policies induced, his awkward situation loses even its schadenfreude worth. Even if you want to laugh, you are reminded that millions of us are only divine grace away from collapsing either due to hunger or the stress of living in Nigeria under his leadership. Nigeria is tough at the moment; so tough that survival is a traumatising sport.

Things have reached the point where everyone is advising everyone to take to farming. On the surface, this looks like a wise counsel but it is a non-solution. How is a country supposed to survive the real challenges of the 21st century when the majority of its citizens resort to subsistence farming just to alleviate hunger? Would they also need to take up animal husbandry to meet other dietary needs? Given how much agricultural produce Nigeria wastes every year due to the broken value chain of agriculture, our troubles are not food shortages. There is food, but the majority of us just lack purchasing power. Give it a maximum of one year, and it will eventually dawn on the proponents of mass farming that the agricultural practices that led to what is called “food security” in richer nations have long gone beyond the pre-modern planting methods we are being encouraged to take up in 2024.

Tinubu himself was embarrassed by the Democracy Day fall given how he tried to ameliorate the embarrassment with a joke as soon as he got the chance. For him to have alluded to the pillorying he received on social media, he must have been self-conscious about it. What I truly wonder is the nature of his shame: that he fell on his face or that the physical fall metaphorises his presidency? Tinubu’s reaction to his own stumble brings me back to the earlier question: when a president stumbles, in which direction is he supposed to look? I suppose a quick retort will be that a wobbly old person like him should look into their past to draw the necessary wisdom to process their fall.

Trouble is, which past would a man with Tinubu’s history be looking into? His past is pretty recent. Virtually every biographical detail about the man pre-1999 (family history, educational path, and even career trajectory) when he became the Lagos governor is under contention. The rest is so enshrouded in overlapping scandals that he is one president who will probably never be able to launch his autobiography. Whatever he has to say about himself (or his biographers’ document) will instantly be investigated by the online sleuths who, with their access to a world wide web of information, will puncture through the façade.

If his pre-1999 life is draped in the mystery of who he truly is and the road that brought him here, his personal history that unfolded after he became governor is no less fabricated. His alleged leadership record, wildly celebrated by a band of hired intellectuals and professional sycophants, has been a hyperbolic celebration of what is essentially mediocre leadership. His praise singers drummed him up and trumpeted his praises to Aso Rock. Now that he is up there, it turns out there is very little quality in his past that he can draw on to salvage Nigeria.

He is not stumbling because Nigeria is a difficult state to administer. No, he is falling because he was promoted beyond the degree of what suffices as his past—his administrative record, experience, and leadership sagacity—can sustain. The incoherence and lack of coordination in his government give him away as a man who has subsisted on propaganda rather than a true achiever.

So, here we are, stuck with a stumbling president who is too old to look in the forward direction and has very little in his past to call upon at a crucial juncture in the life of the nation. Without the benefit of a past and a future, the best he can do is to look lost.

Punch

People are losing the cognitive and social skills they need for a thriving personal and professional life, says organizational psychologist Richard Davis.

"We are at risk of losing this essential capability that I call receptivity," says Davis, the managing director of Toronto-based leadership consulting firm Russell Reynolds Associates. "It's the ability to have good judgment, to have insight about people, and it's a major concern."

Technology, social media and artificial intelligence are to blame, Davis adds: People rely so much on their their phones that they're increasingly unable to make judgment calls on their own. "It's a cognitive ability that you need to actually exercise in order to not lose it," he says.

Davis uses GPS as an example. People once used physical maps, or memory, to get to where they needed to go. Now, if your phone dies, you might find yourself lost more easily.

"What happens when Waze fails? When you don't have a cell signal? When we don't have ChatGPT?" says Davis.

People's ability to talk to and connect with each other is similarly at risk, he says.

"If your head's in your phone, you're meeting people through Tinder profiles or you're basing your business decisions based purely on a resume and not really seeing or spending time with a person, you're losing your core human capability to have insight into other people," says Davis.

'Get your head up out of your phone'

Being tech-savvy can help you with efficiency, productivity and learning. But constantly relying on your devices won't make you successful in the long run, Davis says.

Showing an ability to complete tasks, solve problems and meet people on your own will make you go far, he says — some CEOs value those skills in potential employees, and look them for when weighing candidates for promotions.

Try and limit how much you're reaching for your cell phone, Davis advises. Twenty percent of U.S. adults between ages 18 and 29 are smartphone-dependent, according to January data from the Pew Research Center.

Even a small reduction in phone use can help you make space for "screen-free" activities that strengthen your receptivity and cognition, like exercising and reading books, Amy Blankson, a happiness expert and co-founder of the Digital Wellness Institute, told Make It last month.

Exercise increases blood flow to your brain and reduces stress and anxiety, making it easier to mentally recharge after a long workday, studies show. Similarly, reading can improve long-term brain function and memory.

"Get your head up out of your phone and go take the subway and out to midtown Manhattan and meet people in person," Davis says. "You will have so much more insight about people, make much better decisions [and] have better insight into others."

CNBC

Kenyan President William Ruto on Wednesday withdrew planned tax hikes, bowing to pressure from protesters who had stormed parliament, launched demonstrations across the country and threatened more action this week.

The move will be seen as a major victory for a week-old, youth-led protest movement that grew from online condemnations of tax rises into mass rallies demanding a political overhaul, in the most serious crisis of Ruto's two-year-old presidency.

But some demonstrators said on social media that despite Ruto's climbdown they would go ahead with a rally planned for Thursday, with many reiterating demands that he resign.

Ruto announced he would not sign a finance bill including the tax increases, a day after violent clashes between police and protesters at the assembly and nationwide left at least 23 people dead and scores wounded, according to medics.

"Listening keenly to the people of Kenya who have said loudly that they want nothing to do with this finance bill 2024, I concede. And therefore, I will not sign the 2024 finance bill, and it shall subsequently be withdrawn," he said in a televised address with lawmakers, some clapping, seated behind him.

Vice President Rigathi Gachagua asked young people to call off the protests to avoid any further loss of life and destruction of property, and blamed the intelligence services for giving the government poor advice.

"There would have been no mayhem, but they slept on the job," Gachagua said in a speech, calling on the head of the National Intelligence Service to resign.

Protesters were defiant, repeating calls for Ruto to step down and vowing further action in the streets.

Boniface Mwangi, a prominent social justice activist involved in the protests, called for a "1-million-people march".

"The arrogance is gone, but the lies are still there," he said on social media platform X. "Yesterday they unleashed goons and police to kill peaceful protesters. That will not stop us."

Other members of the protest movement continued to post on social media using the hashtag #tupatanethursday, or "see you on Thursday" in a mix of Swahili and English.

Ruto said he would now start a dialogue with Kenyan youth, without going into details, and work on austerity measures - beginning with cuts to the budget of the presidency - to make up the difference in the country's finances.

He said the loss of life on Tuesday was "very unfortunate". Kenyan police have not responded to requests for comment about the violence.

COMPETING DEMANDS

Even if Ruto's concession manages to see off the immediate threat of more unrest, it still leaves him caught between the competing demands of his hard-pressed citizens and of lenders such as the IMF - which is urging the government to cut deficits to obtain more financing.

Kenya's sovereign dollar bonds were trading largely flat despite Ruto's rejection of the finance bill. Its bonds were trading between 74.6 and 95 cents on the dollar, Tradeweb data showed, with the longer-dated 2034 maturity at the lowest price.

On Tuesday, police opened fire on crowds who massed around parliament and later broke into the senate chamber and national assembly, minutes after lawmakers had voted through the tax measures and sent them on to the president.

The Nation newspaper documented protests in at least 35 of Kenya's 47 counties, from big cities to rural areas - even in Ruto's hometown of Eldoret in his ethnic Kalenjin heartland.

At least 23 people were killed across the East African country and another 30 were being treated for bullet wounds, the Kenya Medical Association said on Wednesday. Medical officials in Nairobi said scores had been injured.

Posts on social media had urged people to occupy State House, the president's office and residence, on Thursday, and the local offices of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Friday, though it was not immediately clear if the calls came from individuals or a broader movement.

Heavily armed police patrolled the streets of the capital Nairobi, which were quieter than usual on Wednesday.

The protests began as an online outpouring of anger by young, tech-savvy Kenyans at proposed taxes on bread and diapers and evolved into a nationwide movement calling for the scrapping of the entire finance bill including the taxes.

Thousands took to the streets of Nairobi and several other cities during two days of protests last week as an online movement gathered momentum.

While the young Kenyans in the current demonstrations have no official leader and have loudly urged the political opposition figures that have typically organised protests to stay away, some of Ruto's main rivals could not hide their delight with the president's climbdown.

"Self-preservation has kicked in," opposition senator Edwin Sifuna posted on X.

Lawmakers had already removed some tax hikes from the final version of the finance bill on Tuesday, including ones on bread and cooking oil, but inserted others in an effort to avoid a budget gap.

Reuters

Kenyan protesters vowed on Wednesday to keep up their demonstrations against new tax hikes, a day after violent clashes outside parliamentand across the country left at least 23 people dead and scores wounded.

As heavily armed police patrolled the streets of the capital Nairobi on Wednesday, supporters of the week-old protest movement took to X, using the hashtag #tutanethursday, or "see you on Thursday" in a mix of Swahili and English.

An online outpouring of anger over tax increases has swelled into a nationwide protest movement calling for a political overhaul, in the most serious crisis of President William Ruto's two-year-old presidency.

Police opened fire on crowds who massed around parliament on Tuesday and later broke into the assembly's compound, minutes after lawmakers had voted through the contentious tax measures.

The Nation newspaper documented protests in at least 35 of Kenya's 47 counties, from big cities to rural areas - even in Ruto's hometown of Eldoret in his ethnic Kalenjin heartland.

At least 23 people were killed across Kenya and another 30 were being treated for bullet wounds, the Kenya Medical Association said on Wednesday.

In the capital, the main public mortuary received the bodies of six people killed in Tuesday's protests, a police officer posted there told Reuters. Another two bodies and 160 people with injuries came into the Kenyatta National Hospital, two health officials said.

Many social media users focused on Ruto's speech after the clashes, in which he said the attack on parliament was the work of "criminals pretending to be peaceful protesters".

"Good morning fellow CRIMINALS Tupatane Thursday To do what CRIMINALS do," one X user posted.

Posts on social media urged people to occupy State House, the president's office and residence, on Thursday, and the local offices of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on Friday, though it was not immediately clear if the calls came from individuals or a broader movement.

'IT'S OUR RIGHT TO DEMONSTRATE'

Ruto said in his televised address to the nation late on Tuesday that the debate about the tax measures had been "hijacked by dangerous people".

The government ordered the army deployed to help the police deal with a "security emergency", though there were no reports of troops on the streets of Nairobi on Wednesday.

Protester Wellington Ogolla said he would head back out onto the streets. "It's our right to demonstrate ... We are just expressing ourselves," he told Reuters as he walked through downtown Nairobi, where the smell of tear gas lingered in the air.

Lawmakers removed some tax hikes from the final version of the finance bill, including ones on bread and cooking oil, but inserted others in an effort to avoid a budget gap.

Protesters - who have no formal leadership and are primarily organised on social media platform - say they want the entire bill scrapped, and many are now demanding that Ruto resign.

He won election almost two years ago on a platform of championing Kenya's working poor, but has been caught between the competing demands of lenders such as the IMF - which is urging the government to cut deficits to obtain more financing - and a hard-pressed population.

Aid group Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) said its staff were left hurt and traumatised when stones were thrown at one of its ambulances during Tuesday's unrest. The Kenya Red Cross also said its staff and vehicles were attacked, without going into further detail.

Reuters

Kenyan President William Ruto said on Tuesday security was his "utmost priority" after protests against a bill to raise taxes descended into violence, with police firing on demonstrators trying to storm the legislature, killing at least five.

In chaotic scenes in the capital Nairobi, protesters overwhelmed police and chased them away in an attempt to enter the parliament compound, with Citizen TV later showing damage from inside the building, which had been partially set ablaze.

Protests and clashes also took place in several other cities and towns across Kenya, with many calling for Ruto to quit as well as voicing their opposition to the tax rises.

In a televised address to the nation, Ruto said the tax debate had been "hijacked by dangerous people".

"It is not in order, or even conceivable, that criminals pretending to be peaceful protesters can reign terror against the people...," he said, pledging a swift response to Tuesday's "treasonous events".

Police in Nairobi opened fire after tear gas and water cannon failed to disperse the crowds. They eventually managed to drive protesters from the parliament building and lawmakers were evacuated through an underground tunnel, local media said.

Later on Tuesday, Defence Minister Aden Duale said the army had been deployed to help the police deal with a "security emergency" which had resulted in the "destruction and breaching of critical infrastructure".

A Reuters journalist counted the bodies of at least five protesters outside parliament.

The Kenya Medical Association said that at least five people had been shot dead while treating the injured, and that 31 people had been injured, with 13 shot with live bullets and four with rubber bullets.

The association called on authorities to establish safe medical corridors to protect medical staff and ambulances.

CAUGHT BETWEEN COMPETING DEMANDS

Ruto won an election almost two years ago on a platform of championing Kenya's working poor, but has been caught between the competing demands of lenders such as the International Monetary Fund, which is urging the government to cut deficits to obtain more funding, and a hard-pressed population.

Kenyans have been struggling to cope with several economic shocks caused by the lingering impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, two consecutive years of drought and depreciation of the currency.

The finance bill aims to raise an additional $2.7 billion in taxes as part of an effort to lighten Kenya's heavy debt load, with interest payments alone consuming 37% of annual revenue.

In Washington, the White House said the United States was closely monitoring the situation in Nairobi and urging calm.

Ambassadors and high commissioners from countries including Britain, the U.S. and Germany said in a joint statement they were deeply concerned by violence they had witnessed during recent anti-tax protests and called for restraint on all sides.

Kenyan activist Auma Obama, the half-sister of former U.S. President Barack Obama, was among protesters tear-gassed during the demonstrations, a CNN interview showed.

Internet services across the East African country experienced severe disruptions during the police crackdown, internet monitor Netblocks said. Kenya's leading network operator Safaricom said outages had affected two of its undersea cables but the root cause of the outages remained unclear.

Parliament approved the finance bill, moving it through to a third reading by lawmakers. The next step is for the legislation to be sent to the president for signing. He can send it back to parliament if he has any objections.

Opposition politicians called on Ruto to step down.

"Ruto must go, Ruto must resign, he must do the honourable thing," senior opposition leader Eugene Wamalwa said in a statement on TV.

Another opposition leader, Raila Odinga, urged the immediate withdrawal of the finance bill to make way for dialogue.

"I am disturbed at the murders, arrests, detentions and surveillance being perpetrated by police on boys and girls who are only seeking to be heard over taxation policies that are stealing both their present and future," he said in a statement.

The government has made some concessions, promising to scrap proposed new taxes on bread, cooking oil, car ownership and financial transactions. But that has not been enough for protesters.

The finance ministry says the concessions would blow a 200 billion Kenyan shilling ($1.56 billion) hole in the 2024-25 budget, and compel the government to make spending cuts or raise taxes elsewhere.

Tuesday's protests began in a festival-like atmosphere but as crowds swelled, police fired tear gas in Nairobi's Central Business District and the poor neighbourhood of Kibera. Protesters ducked for cover and threw stones at police lines.

Police also fired tear gas in Eldoret, Ruto's hometown in western Kenya, where crowds of protesters filled the streets and many businesses were closed for fear of violence.

Further clashes broke out in the coastal city of Mombasa and demonstrations were held in Kisumu, on Lake Victoria, and Garissa in eastern Kenya, where police blocked the main road to neighbouring Somalia's port of Kismayu.

In Nairobi, people chanted "Ruto must go" and crowds sang in Swahili: "All can be possible without Ruto". Music played from loudspeakers and protesters waved Kenyan flags and blew whistles in the few hours before the violence escalated.

Police did not respond to Reuters requests for comment.

ORGANIC MOVEMENT

Thousands had taken to the streets of Nairobi and several other cities during two days of protests last week as an online, youth-led movement gathered momentum.

Protests in Kenya have usually been called by political leaders who have been amenable to negotiated settlements, but the young Kenyans in the current demonstrations have no official leader and they have been growing increasingly bold in their demands.

While protesters initially focused on the finance bill, their demands have broadened to demand Ruto's resignation.

Amid the unrest, Kenya's sovereign dollar bonds slid on Tuesday afternoon, Tradeweb data showed. The 2034 maturity fell the most, trading 0.6 cents lower at 74.7 cents on the dollar.

"They are budgeting for corruption," said protester Hussein Ali, 18. "We won't relent. It's the government that is going to back off. Not us."

Reuters

The Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) has firmly denied allegations of dirty fuel being imported into Nigeria. Speaking to journalists after a meeting with oil marketers and local refiners at the NMDPRA headquarters in Abuja, Executive Director of Distribution Systems, Storage and Retailing Infrastructure, Ogbugo Ukoha, assured the public of the quality of petroleum products entering the country.

"There is no dirty fuel that we would encourage to come into Nigeria. And there is no dirty fuel being brought in," Ukoha stated emphatically.

This statement comes in response to accusations made by Devakumar Edwin, Vice President of Oil and Gas at Dangote Industries Limited (DIL). Edwin had claimed that International Oil Companies (IOCs) in Nigeria were attempting to undermine the Dangote Oil Refinery and Petrochemicals by importing substandard refined products. Edwin also criticized the NMDPRA for allegedly granting licenses indiscriminately to importers of dirty fuel.

The NMDPRA reaffirmed its commitment to ensuring that only high-quality petroleum products are supplied and consumed in Nigeria. Ukoha explained that in 2020, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) endorsed the Afri-5 fuel roadmap, which mandates a maximum of 50 parts per million (ppm) of sulphur in imported fuels. While immediate compliance was expected for imports, local refineries were given until December 31, 2024, to meet this standard.

Ukoha noted that the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021 upholds this ECOWAS treaty, and the NMDPRA has been actively enforcing compliance. He reported a downward trend in sulphur content in imported products, with significant improvements since February.

"As of June, the average sulphur content in Automotive Gas Oil (AGO) imported into Nigeria is well below the 50 ppm legal limit," Ukoha stated. "Local refineries, while currently operating under deferred standards, are also installing desulphurisation units to reduce sulphur levels to as low as 10 ppm in the near future."

Ukoha assured that the NMDPRA is dedicated to safeguarding the health and well-being of Nigerians. "There is no dirty fuel being brought in, and we have the statistics to prove it. The sulphur content of imported fuels has significantly decreased, meeting and often exceeding regulatory requirements."

The meeting between NMDPRA officials, oil marketers, and local refiners aimed to foster collaboration and ensure energy security in Nigeria. Discussions addressed pricing, competition, and other significant industry issues.

In a country grappling with unprecedented economic hardships, the Federal Government's proposal to purchase new jets for the President and Vice President is not just ill-timed but also deeply insensitive. With mass unemployment, galloping inflation, and widespread poverty, this move exemplifies a stark disconnect between the government and the suffering populace it claims to serve.

The recent revelation that the government has already spent nearly N15 billion on maintaining the existing presidential fleet within just 11 months underscores the significant financial burden this fleet places on national resources. Despite this expenditure, the administration now seeks to approve the purchase of two additional aircraft at an estimated cost of N918.7 billion. This decision comes amidst an economic climate where every naira should be judiciously allocated to alleviate the citizens' plight.

President Bola Tinubu's administration must reconsider this decision and instead focus on overhauling the current fleet. The government maintains a fleet of six aircraft, including a Boeing 737 and several Gulfstream jets, which, if properly maintained, should suffice for the President's and Vice President's travel needs. The exorbitant cost of new aircraft, juxtaposed with the billions already spent on maintenance, raises critical questions about fiscal responsibility and prioritization.

The argument presented by government officials—that the safety of the President necessitates new aircraft—fails to acknowledge that comprehensive maintenance and refurbishment can ensure the safety and functionality of the existing fleet. Leading aircraft manufacturers such as Boeing and Gulfstream offer extensive overhaul services that can extend the lifespan and safety of these jets, providing a more cost-effective solution than purchasing new ones.

Moreover, the government's justification that the purchase of new jets is a "basic thing any sane government will do" is tone-deaf to the realities faced by ordinary Nigerians. The timing of this proposal, coinciding with severe economic distress and policy-induced hardships like the removal of fuel subsidies and hikes in electricity tariffs, only exacerbates public discontent and mistrust in the administration.

While the safety of the nation's leaders is paramount, it should not come at the expense of neglecting the broader needs of the citizenry. The leadership must demonstrate empathy and solidarity with Nigerians by redirecting resources towards urgent social and economic interventions. Investments in job creation, poverty alleviation programmes, and infrastructure development will have far-reaching impacts, fostering a sense of shared sacrifice and commitment to national progress.

In conclusion, the Nigerian government should prioritize the refurbishment and maintenance of the existing presidential fleet over the acquisition of new jets. This approach balances the need for safety with fiscal prudence and public accountability. By aligning its actions with the pressing needs of its citizens, the administration can build trust and show that it truly understands and is committed to addressing the challenges facing Nigeria today.

More than 70% of Nigerian households were involved in agricultural activities in 2022, according to a survey by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). The "National Agricultural Sample Census (NASC) Report 2022," released on Monday, indicates that approximately 40.2 million households in Nigeria engage in various agricultural practices.

The report underscores agriculture's vital role across Nigeria's six geopolitical zones. It highlights that the NASC is designed to be conducted every five to ten years, adhering to the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) standards. However, the last census was conducted in 1993/1994.

Key Findings:

- Kano State leads with about 2.4 million agricultural households, followed by Kaduna State with 2 million.

- Bayelsa State recorded the least with 0.34 million agricultural households.

- About 26.7% of agricultural households have 5-6 members, while 14% have 1-2 members.

- 91% of agricultural households cultivate crops, with 35% practicing only crop cultivation and 48% raising livestock.

- Lagos State had the lowest percentage of crop cultivation at 48%, while Ebonyi State had the highest at 99.5%.

- Jigawa State reported the highest percentage of livestock production at 84.2%, followed by Bauchi State at 79.7%.

- Benue State had the highest percentage of poultry farming at 65.2%, closely followed by Ebonyi State at 63.3%.

Demographics and Crop Cultivation:

- 16% of agricultural households are headed by females, with higher percentages in states like Anambra and Enugu.

- The majority of household heads (28%) are aged 35-44 years, with only 2.8% aged 15-24 years.

- Maize, guinea corn, and rice are the primary cereals cultivated by 80%, 40%, and 37% of crop-producing households, respectively.

- Cassava, yam, and cocoyam are the main root/tuber crops, cultivated by 53%, 40%, and 24% of households, respectively.

- Beans/cowpeas are the most cultivated leguminous crops at 46%.

- Okro is the most popular vegetable crop, cultivated by 41% of households.

- Groundnuts are widely cultivated, especially in Benue State, where 81% of households reported growing them.

Methodology:

The NBS conducted the NASC survey using Digitised Enumeration Area (EA) maps across all 36 states and the FCT. Of the 774 LGAs in Nigeria, 767 were fully covered, three were partially covered, and four were not covered due to insecurity.

Nigeria’s Statistician-General, Adeyemi Adeniran, highlighted that the report covers various aspects of agricultural households, including crop production, livestock management, and fisheries activities. The census, he noted, establishes a framework for monitoring and evaluating progress towards key agricultural indicators.

Hassan Ya'u, a 42-year-old maize and sesame seed farmer in Nigeria's northern Katsina state, was tending to his crops early this month when dozens of armed men on motorcycles rode towards his plot and started shooting at close range.

Ya'u and fellow farmer Musa Nasidi managed to escape, but at least 50 people - many of them farmers working their fields at the time - were killed in the attack in the latest in a series of deadly raids on farming areas. An unknown number of people were abducted in the assault, which was carried out in broad daylight.

Ya'u and Nasidi said the gunmen had attacked their Kankara farming community because farmers had not paid a levy imposed by the armed gang.

Such raids are forcing many farmers to leave their fields, contributing to higher food prices and soaring inflation as Nigeria faces the worst cost of living crisis in a generation.

"They set ablaze my produce and took away foodstuff worth about 4 million naira ($2,739.73)," said Ya'u, who has sought refuge in Daura town, nearly 200 km (124 miles) from Kankara.

"I don't have access to my farm because bandits have taken control of the area. Everything has been ruined," added the father of 13 children who faces an uncertain future.

Armed gangs demand as much as three million naira per village, depending on the size, to allow farmers to work.

"The farmers are even forming vigilante groups to make sure they are able to access the farms but it is still very difficult," said Kabir Ibrahim, president of All Farmers Association of Nigeria.

Northern Nigeria produces the bulk of the country's staples like rice, yam and maize, but it is also its most unstable region, as armed kidnapping gangs attack and pillage villages in the northwest while Islamist militants cause havoc in the northeast.

Nasidi, 36, fled to near Katsina town after the Kankara attack.

He used to harvest about 400 bags of groundnuts, 80 bags of sesame seed and 200 bags of maize, he said, but now faces a bleak year after part of his 8.5-hectare farm was set ablaze by bandits.

"The situation is beyond our control and I was left with no choice other than to leave Kankara because our lives were in danger," Nasidi told Reuters.

A World Food Programme report on the outlook for acute food insecurity globally said Nigeria has joined the world's "hunger hotspots", which analysts attribute to insecurity in farming areas and high costs of seed, fertiliser, chemicals and diesel.

Lagos-based consultancy SBM Intelligence said 1,356 farmers in Nigeria were killed since 2020. This year, 137 deaths had been recorded, it said, adding that farming was becoming a dangerous occupation.

"The risk is very grave," said Confidence McHarry, SBM's lead security analyst, adding that gunmen also attacked farmers "on suspicion of collaborating with the military."

Defence spokesperson Edward Buba said that with the rainy season under way, the military was prioritising farmers' security.

"The farmers union are keying into the farm protection plan of the armed forces to make the best of the rainy season," he said, without elaborating.

But for 22-year-old farmer Abdulaziz Gora in Zamfara state, next to Katsina, there is little hope of returning to his farm. He relocated to state capital Gusau after a violent attack on his village in May, abandoning his soybean and maize crops.

"Anyone caught there risks being kidnapped or killed," he said.

($1 = 1,460 naira)

Reuters

Last Thursday the governor of Zamfara, one of Nigeria’s poorest states, held a ceremony to mark the start of construction on an international airport in the state capital Gusau.

“The economic benefits and multiplier effects … are quite enormous,” Dauda Lawal said. “The airport will have a tremendous impact on the ease of doing business and other social interactions [here].”

Barely a month before, Alex Otti, the governor of Abia state in the south-east, had thanked federal officials for approving an airstrip project and said he would be lobbying for an upgrade to a full airport in the near future. “A journey of a thousand miles starts with one step,” Otti said.

Airports have been springing up around the country in recent years; for the most part absent are any concerns about the environmental impact of air travel. Nigeria already has 33 airports – all but two entirely owned by the federal or state governments – as well as 13 airstrips, four military airfields and 128 sites with helipads.

Despite the proliferation in projects, the number of journeys taken by air fell last year to 15.89m, down from 16.17m in 2022. Passenger traffic is incredibly concentrated: just three airports accounted for 92% of all passenger journeys nationwide in 2022, according to the Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority.

For some observers the rush to build airports is less about economics and more about political prestige.

“The simplest answer is that [politicians] have run away from roads the way they ran away from the railways … because roads are harder to fix and need more coordination,” said Feyi Fawehinmi, an author and political commentator. “[Airports] are also shiny and building them allows politicians to say they’ve ‘connected’ their state to the rest of the country and the world.”

In some instances state governments have opened airports only to find it hard to maintain them. Last year an airport was inaugurated in Ebonyi state that cost 36bn naira (£19m). Months later, an additional13.7bn naira was spent on repairing its barely used runway. Then, in May this year, the federal government said it was stepping in to take over the facility from the state. “We have FEC [the Nigerian cabinet] approval,” an official said. “The only thing left is for us to refund the Ebonyi state government.”

Nigeria’s aviation minister, Festus Keyamo, defended the latest projects as a “social amenity for the people”. “In a vast country like Nigeria that is also very sensitive in terms of geopolitical issues, ethnic balancing and all, you want to ensure that infrastructure is evenly distributed,” he said. “The most important thing is that airports in Nigeria go beyond commercial viability … they are not only for the pleasure of those who can afford to fly.”

Some experts agreed that having plenty of airports could eventually be beneficial to Africa’s most populous country, even if the motivation for building them was sometimes questionable.

“Heathrow used to be a village until the airport came,” said Samuel Akinyele Caulcrick, a former rector of the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology. “Politicians have their own reasons for building them [but] what we should be asking is why are we not using them to their full potential, because airports are supposed to drive development wherever you put them.”

Part of the problem is cost: fares have doubled in the past three years in a country where more than half the population live on less than £1 a day. Multiple taxes imposed by different government agencies don’t help, and nor do high service charges.

In 2023 the International Air Transport Association said the $100-a-passenger service charge at Lagos and Abuja airports was the most expensive globally. “How can you have such high taxes and expect to be profitable?” Kamil Al-Awadhi, Iata’s vice-president for Africa and Middle East, reportedly said at the time.

One solution put forward at industry forums to reduce the number of “ghost” airports operating far under capacity is for an expansion in freight transportation by plane. Caulcrick pointed to the possibility of flying raw and processed goods to Lagos port for exportation instead of bringing them by truck.

Toni Ukachukwu, the head of the Lagos-based consultancy Aviators Africa and host of ASAP, a podcast on industry sustainability, said the industry needed to expand beyond traditional commercial and business passenger aviation in large jets.

“In South Africa and Kenya you have your three, four and five-seater airplanes that do scenic flights, agricultural flights, game reserve flights etc,” he said. “We don’t have that in Nigeria.”

Ukachukwu suggested the industry should learn from a rare domestic success story. “Ibom Air is one model Nigerian operators need to look at,” he said, referring to the oil-rich Akwa Ibom state’s carrier, which has a reputation for punctuality. “State-owned but independently managed by professionals … for five years, they have steadily grown to where they are now.”

The Guardian, UK