"We'd go to the mall for a few hours, grab something to eat, walk across the street to the theater and see a movie, then have someone pick us up or take us to late-night bowling or roller skating. We were hardly home!"

Recently, members of the BuzzFeed Community shared how they had fun before the internet, and the responses were both wholesome and VERY nostalgic! So nostalgic, in fact, that they inspired even more people to share their experiences. Here are some of the best responses:

1. "Sitting by the radio for hours to wait for the ONE song I wanted to record on a cassette so I could listen to it on repeat. Hanging out at a bowling alley every Friday night to not even bowl (because no one had money) but just drink pop and hang out at the tables and cause a ruckus."

Shanina / Getty Images/iStockphoto

—tundra28

2. "Cosmic bowling, followed by Denny's until 1 or 2 a.m.! Or, because gas was so cheap, we'd just drive around for hours with the windows down, blasting the radio."

Fotografia Inc. / Getty Images

—karileah143

3. "I have I think 18 cousins on my mom's side alone, so we spent summers outside in our grandma's yard just going nuts. Wiffleball, kickball, frisbee, made-up games, picking cherry tomatoes and green beans from the garden, and picking honeysuckles and berries off bushes by the fence. On days we had to stay inside, there were a few board games we could play, but we mostly liked playing different versions of the alphabet game, or playing restaurant where we drew up all the menus ourselves...just like basic '90s kid stuff."

Maskot / Getty Images/Maskot

—purpletruck35

4. "Our greatest games included lawn ornament swaps where we’d find adjacent yards with lawn ornaments and switch them around, getting free pizzas by ordering Domino's then running the two blocks to the train tracks and completing the circuit so the lights would flash and the arms would go down, making the pizza delivery over 30 minutes, and the most fun one: there would be 5-6 of us walking down the street, we’d see a cop and just scatter in different directions. Inevitably, we would be chased because, obviously, kids who run are up to something. And we were. We were up to screwing with them because why not?"

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—trishmcdermott

5. "I was a '70s kid, '80s teen. Lots of hanging out at the library reading everything, puzzle books, messing around at the park, reading the newspaper (comics! sports stats!), partying, going to concerts and plays, and honestly watching way too much TV (highlighting the TV Guide every week)."

Wundervisuals / Getty Images

—shelleye

6. "My friend and I (and the three younger boys who lived next door to her) would spend every day in the woods around our subdivision. Our subdivision had been built on an old, ruined monastery, so we found a lot of religious paraphernalia (statues of angels, vials of holy water, crosses, etc.) but we liked finding animal bones. Further away was a river but going there meant dealing with a gang of wild turkeys. Their territory was an old rusted car, and they hated us getting near it. So we'd go there to pay our respects to our turkey lords but otherwise leave them alone."

Pekic / Getty Images

—lacjiba

7. "We would walk up and down this long downtown street that runs through three towns (including my hometown) and we would pop into stores, run into other friends, and flirt with boys we would meet, lol. And you could get away with your parents not really knowing where you were — all I had to do was have a quarter and I would call my mom from any random payphone to 'check in.'"

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—cute-as-ducks419

8. "My best friend and I lived about two miles apart, so we'd call each other and agree on a time to start walking and eventually meet somewhere in the middle and figure out plans from there. We kept ourselves busy with stupid photo shoots on disposable cameras (and then wait a WEEK for the results), or if we were being really fancy, we'd beg her parents to drive us to Applebee's so we could go flirt with the cute boys that worked there. We explored vintage and thrift shops, once went horseback riding with some random kids we met, and countless other things our parents had zero idea we were doing. What a time to be alive!"

Marco_piunti / Getty Images

—andreau

9. "One night in high school, my buddies and I bought a bunch of $1 tubs of cotton candy at Walmart and were eating them in the little park oval in the middle of our town. We saw a cop car drive by and dove under the benches like we would get caught for doing something illegal? Totally sober, just eating cotton candy at 1 a.m. in the old colonial village town park."

Vitalii Puzankov / Getty Images

—deutschenheimer

10. "The summer was all about the public pool. I spent hours there with my friends every day, picking up diving sticks, playing hide and seek, having handstand competitions, learning flips, eating at the snack shack, and playing tetherball."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—lizk41ced1621

11. "During the day, there would always be a basketball game, baseball game, or football game being played somewhere in my small town. If there wasn’t, there was always riding bikes around the neighborhood or walking along the railroad tracks catching frogs. Then, at night, we would usually play hide-and-seek on our block until everyone had to go in when their parents yelled out the front door for them to come home."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—blueshield54

12. "I am in my late 60s, so we didn’t have internet or computers. After school, we would ride bikes and play in the canyons around our house. Lots of us would go down the canyon when it was raining and climb up the hillsides and go mud sliding all the way down to the bottom. We'd spend the whole afternoon doing that, it was a blast. We would go to the movies on Fridays, sometimes we would go to Ferrall's Ice Cream Parlor to eat ice cream and hang out."

Vincent Besnault / Getty Images

—awfulmeat26

13. "I had a cool neighborhood of over 10 kids. We would play ‘kick the can’ and touch football, riding our bikes for endless miles."

Lisa5201 / Getty Images

—lisas4bb382393

14. "There were a lot of kids growing up in Sotel, California, a small neighborhood in West Los Angeles. When we were young, we’d hang out at the beach all summer, riding bikes, mopeds, or rollerblading. As we got older and had cars, we would meet up at the local gas station and jump into cars and go anywhere from the beaches, to Sunset Boulevard, to the Hollywood Hills. Lots of wild fun. Got into some trouble but I wouldn’t change it for the world."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—savoryorca28

15. "We had dial-up when I was a kid, but we barely used it because it was so slow. I lived in Florida, so we did lots of swimming. By high school, we had real internet but spent most of our time hanging out at the local Sonic in town or at someone’s kitchen table. On our wilder nights, we would go to Walmart and dig around for the best stuff in the $5 bins, or we’d play hide and seek in the store (which I’m now sure the employees hated)."

Jena Ardell / Getty Images

—runner1399

16. "As a teen in the mid-late 90s, the 'strip' of my small town was bumper-to-bumper traffic on Friday and Saturday nights! Every vehicle full of teenagers, just riding around town from a gas station at the city limits to the Dairy Queen and back! And only a few people had car phones at the time, so if u wanted to talk to someone in another vehicle, you would flash your lights or pump your brakes at their car to get their attention to pull over. Now, it's basically a ghost town after dark…gas being expensive doesn’t help matters either! Kinda sad, as some of my fondest memories were made just riding the strip."

Jerome Tisne / Getty Images

—georgiajaymes

17. "Before malls and rollerblading, I remember one local skating rink. Big nights were Friday and Saturday. Our parents would drop us off."

Powerofforever / Getty Images

—grumpydaredevil93

18. "Magazines, circling things in clothes catalogs, like Delia’s and J. Crew, and waiting six weeks for them to arrive. Fashion and brands weren’t available for kids who didn’t live in a big city. I talked to my friends on the landline for hours a day and memorized their numbers. I still know them as a 39-year-old."

Catherine Mcqueen / Getty Images

—princesscansuelabananahammock

19. "My teen years were like a study in geek chic. Nintendo while consuming mass quantities of Mountain Dew and Little Caesar’s; spending hours at the arcade in the basement of the mall; seeing the latest sci-fi movies and sneaking in snacks (I still have my ticket stubs from Stargate and Independence Day!); gathering at a friend’s house to watch Deep Space Nine or Voyager; playing Magic the Gathering until the wee hours of the morning; riding my bike EVERYWHERE. The internet is a good thing, for the most part, but I think kids are really missing out when it comes to childhood."

Imgorthand / Getty Images

—awkwardsmoothie20

20. "We would sit on the deck all night in high school with cigarettes, Diet Coke, and a package of Oreos. And let’s not forget, chili cheese Fritos! We would talk about everything and nothing. Also, a group of about 10 girls would get into this huge mud fight in the local lake they drained for electricity purposes in the winter. So fun, but so cold!"

Bernd Vogel / Getty Images

—bougielegend71

21. "We'd go to the mall for a few hours, grab something to eat, walk across the street to the theater and see a movie, then have someone pick us up or take us to late-night bowling or roller skating. We were hardly home!"

Kiwis / Getty Images

—friesfriesfries

How did you pass the time as a kid/teen before the internet? Share your story in the comments! Or, fill out this anonymous form. Your response could be featured in a future BuzzFeed Community post.

 

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) secured N284.26 billion from eager investors during its latest Nigerian Treasury Bills (NTBs) auction held on Wednesday, June 26, 2024. According to results from the Debt Management Office (DMO), the auction drew substantial interest, with total subscriptions reaching N773.98 billion, significantly exceeding the initial offer of N228.72 billion.

Treasury Bills serve as a key tool for the CBN to manage monetary policy by controlling money supply, and they also provide the government with short-term funding to bridge budget deficits. The recent auction marks a notable increase of 417.1% in the amount offered compared to the N44.23 billion offered in the previous auction on June 13, 2024. Additionally, total subscriptions saw an 89.8% rise from N407.76 billion, while total sales surged by 414.7% from N55.23 billion.

The auction featured three tenors: 91-day, 182-day, and 364-day bills, all of which saw strong demand that surpassed the offer amounts, reflecting robust investor interest.

Auction Details:

- 91-day bills: Offered at N29.83 billion, received subscriptions worth N36.29 billion, and allotted N28.15 billion. Bid range: 15.98% to 24.00%, stop rate: 16.30%. Maturity: September 25, 2024.

- 182-day bills: Offered at N30.67 billion, received subscriptions worth N40.58 billion, and allotted N36.44 billion. Bid range: 17.00% to 21.00%, stop rate: 17.44%. Maturity: December 25, 2024.

- 364-day bills: Offered at N168.21 billion, received subscriptions worth N697.11 billion, and allotted N219.67 billion. Bid range: 16.00% to 25.00%, stop rate: 20.68%. Maturity: June 25, 2025.

The significant subscription rate and robust demand across all tenors underscore the continued appeal of Treasury Bills among yield-hungry investors in Nigeria.

The national assembly has passed the bills seeking the extension of the capital component of the 2023 budget and the Supplementary Appropriation Act.

The federal lawmakers granted an extension from June to December, following a request by President Bola Tinubu.

The senate and house of representatives passed the bills on Thursday after considering their clauses at the committee on supply.

The passage was preceded by a rowdy session at the house of representatives.

The president, in a letter read by Tajudeen Abbas, speaker of the house, asked the green chamber to extend the implementation of the capital components of the 2023 budget and Supplementary Appropriation Act from June 30 to December 31.

After Abbas read the letter, some lawmakers opposed the call for the debate of the president’s request.

Julius Ihonvbere, majority leader of the house, moved for the debate of the bill, saying the amendment does not alter the content of the bill but just the date.

Kingsley Chinda, minority leader of the house, expressed concern that the two budgets are running concurrently.

He said the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) administration was criticised for lacking a clear budgetary cycle, adding that the current administration is potentially repeating the mistake.

The ranking legislator demanded that the bill be stepped down to enable the government to “go back to the drawing board”.

Sada Soli, an All Progressives Congress (APC) lawmaker from Katsina, opposed Chinda, saying the PDP lawmaker was “playing to the gallery”.

“I admire the PDP for playing to the gallery. You cannot extend the supplementary budget without the main budget,” he said.

His comment prompted vocal protests from the lawmakers.

Reacting, Ado Doguwa, a ranking APC member from Katsina, said: “I agree with the submission made by the minority of the house.

“Even though it is legal, it is unprecedented. That moral question will always be raised.”

He, however, appealed to his colleagues to support the bill, saying the president would understand the body language of the lawmakers.

Following the bickering, the lawmakers moved into an executive session.

 

The Cable

The scenes unfolding in Kenya, where protests over proposed tax hikes have escalated into a full-blown political crisis, should serve as a stark warning to other African nations. The Kenyan government's attempt to increase taxes amid rising economic hardship and persistent corruption has triggered widespread unrest, leading to violent clashes, multiple deaths, and a call for President William Ruto's resignation. This situation offers a poignant lesson for Nigeria, where the Bola Tinubu administration is pursuing economic policies that could similarly ignite public outrage.

Kenya’s turmoil began with an online outpouring of anger against tax increases on essential goods. What started as digital dissent rapidly evolved into a nationwide protest movement, culminating in violent confrontations that claimed at least 23 lives. Despite President Ruto's decision to withdraw the contentious finance bill, the protesters remain undeterred, demanding broader political reforms and his resignation. The protests highlight the deep-seated frustration of Kenyans with their government’s economic mismanagement and corruption.

Nigeria finds itself on a similar precipice. The Tinubu administration’s adherence to economic directives from Bretton Woods institutions, despite the severe hardship faced by the populace, mirrors Kenya’s missteps. Recent reports of the Nigerian government’s plan to purchase two new luxury jets for the president and vice president have exacerbated public discontent. Such expenditures are perceived as a stark contrast to the austerity measures and economic sacrifices demanded of ordinary Nigerians.

The situation in Kenya underscores the potential consequences of ignoring public sentiment and pursuing policies that disproportionately affect the impoverished majority. President Ruto’s climbdown on the tax hikes was a significant victory for the protestors, but the damage to his administration’s credibility may be irreparable. The Kenyan crisis illustrates that governments cannot disregard the socioeconomic realities of their citizens without risking widespread unrest and instability.

For Nigeria, the message is clear: the implementation of economic policies must be balanced with empathy and responsiveness to the people’s needs. The Tinubu administration’s focus on securing external financing and reducing deficits should not overshadow the imperative to alleviate domestic suffering. Extravagant government expenditures, such as the planned luxury jets, are not only insensitive but also fuel the perception of a detached and indifferent leadership.

Moreover, the Nigerian government must be cautious of underestimating the power of social media and youth-led movements. Kenya’s protests were largely organized online, demonstrating the effectiveness of digital platforms in mobilizing and unifying disparate groups around a common cause. As Nigeria continues to grapple with economic challenges, the government would do well to heed the voices of its young, tech-savvy population.

The events in Kenya should serve as a cautionary tale for Nigeria and other African nations. It's time for leaders to recognize that the patience of their people is not inexhaustible. The choice is clear: address the root causes of economic hardship and corruption, or face the wrath of a populace that has reached its breaking point.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

A Nigerian national, Adam Mohammad Bakur Mohammad Ibrahim, 24, has been seeking Russian citizenship since May 2024. 

He joined the Skif Cossack battalion in November 2023, where he was given the call sign 'Vanka' and participated in special military operations (SVO) as a member of the unit.

In December 2023, Russian media featured a story on Vanka, a Nigerian national who had captured a Ukrainian soldier, as seen in a video posted online, RT reports. 

After completing his six-month contract, Adam returned to Voronezh, where he had previously studied at the Academy of Sports. He hoped to resume his studies and obtain Russian citizenship, but faced obstacles in acquiring a Russian passport. 

Seeking assistance, Ibrahim reached out to RT. His journey in Russia began in September 2023, when he enrolled in the Voronezh State Academy of Sports. Two months later, in November 2023, he took a leave of absence from his studies to join the special military operation (SVO), with the academy's consent.

“In November 2023, I wanted to volunteer for the Northern Military District,” Adam told RT. “I went because I wanted to stay in Russia after studying and become a citizen of this country.”

As a non-Russian citizen, Adam was unable to enter into a contract directly with the Ministry of Defense. However, there is a legal workaround for foreign nationals who wish to support Russia's military efforts: they can sign an agreement with an organization authorized to carry out tasks assigned to the Russian Armed Forces in the Northern Military District. 

Adam enlisted in the Skif Cossack battalion, which is part of the Terek Cossack brigade, and was given the call sign 'Vanka' during his service.

Adam signed the agreement on November 11, 2023, and was initially assigned as a shooter. 

However, he quickly demonstrated his versatility and acquired an additional skillset as a UAV operator while on the front lines. During his deployment, Adam participated in combat missions in the Soledar direction, earning a reputation as an exemplary warrior, as noted by the chief of staff of the Skif DRO in his official description of Adam's service.

The document reads, “During his participation in the special operation for the denazification and demilitarization of Ukraine and being in the Adam Mohammad Bakur detachment, Mohammad Ibrahim with the call sign Vanka, in the position of shooter, established himself as a responsible, courageous, conscientious, strong-willed, disciplined warrior. 

“In the performance of his patriotic duty, he performed combat missions, despite the conditions directly associated with the risk of life. During the period of a special military operation on the territory of Ukraine for the specified period, as part of the 35th separate volunteer detachment "Skif" repeatedly participated in hostilities in direct contact with the enemy on the front line of defense of the detachment. He enjoys well-deserved authority and respect within the team.”

When Adam's contract with Skif expired on May 4, 2024, he returned to Voronezh, planning to resume his studies and expecting to do so as a newly minted citizen of the Russian Federation, having hoped to have his citizenship application processed during his time away fighting.

While Adam was serving on the front lines, President of the Russian Federation's Decree No. 10, dated January 4, 2024, came into effect. 

The decree stipulates the conditions for foreign citizens, like Adam, who have signed a military service contract with the Russian Armed Forces or affiliated military formations, and their family members, to be admitted to Russian citizenship.

According to the presidential decree, Adam is eligible for simplified Russian citizenship, allowing him to bypass the usual naturalization process and gain citizenship through a more expedited route.

Despite being eligible for simplified citizenship under the presidential decree, Adam's efforts to obtain Russian citizenship have been met with failure so far. 

The young man alleges that he sought assistance at the Voronezh EMC, but was left without guidance or support. Meanwhile, returning to his home country of Nigeria has become a risky proposition for Adam, as he faces potential imprisonment for mercenary activities.

Adam said, “I stayed on the front line for six months, my contract expired on May 4. 

“Now I have a problem with obtaining citizenship. For now I am in Voronezh and continue to study at VGAS. At home they could arrest me, they could give me 20 years in prison.”

 

Sahara Reporters

Israel storms Gaza City neighbourhood, orders Palestinians to go south

Israel stormed a neighbourhood in Gaza City on Thursday, ordering Palestinians to move south as tanks rolled in and bombing the southern city of Rafah in what it says are the final stages of an operation against Hamas militants there.

Residents of the Shejaia neighbourhood in Gaza City said they were surprised by the sound of tanks approaching and firing in the early afternoon, with drones also attacking after overnight bombing of the city, which Israel had combed early in the war.

"It sounded as if the war is restarting, a series of bombings that destroyed several houses in our area and shook the buildings," Mohammad Jamal, 25, a resident of Gaza City, told Reuters via a chat app.

Later on Thursday, the Palestinian Civil Emergency Service said the Israeli military strikes had killed at least seven people in Shejaia so far. More casualties are feared to be under the rubble where rescue teams cannot reach, it said.

Footage obtained by Reuters showed women, men and children carrying bags and food as they ran in the streets after the raid began. Some men carried injured children, some bleeding, in their arms as they fled.

"This is the (Israeli) occupation targeting us, as you can see. You can see the children, the targeting of children here," said a man carrying a bleeding boy in his arms.

An Israeli military spokesperson said they had no comment on reports of casualties in Shejaia.

The armed wing of Hamas ally Islamic Jihad said it had detonated a pre-planted explosive device against an Israeli tank east of the district.

Israel accuses the militants of hiding among civilians and says it warns displaced people to get out of the way of its operations against the fighters.

"For your safety, you must evacuate immediately south on Salah al-Din Street to the humanitarian zone," army spokesperson Avichay Adraee posted on social media platform X in a call to residents and displaced people in Shejaia.

Residents and Hamas media said the tanks had moved in before the post and that people from the eastern suburb were running westward under fire as Israel had blocked the road south.

Just before midnight, an Israeli airstrike struck the headquarters of the Palestinian Civil Emergency Service in Al-Nuseirat camp in the central Gaza Strip, killing three members, the rescue service said. It said the new deaths raised to 74 the number of staff killed by Israeli fire since Oct. 7.

In Rafah, where tanks have advanced in several neighbourhoods since May 7, medics said four Palestinians were killed by tank shells that landed in the western area of the city, where the Israeli army deepened its incursion in recent days. There has been no Israeli immediate comment on the two incidents.

More than eight months into Israel's war on Gaza triggered by the Hamas-led cross-border attack on Oct. 7, aid officials say the enclave remains at high risk of famine, with almost half a million people facing "catastrophic" food insecurity.

"We are being starved in Gaza City, and are being hunted by tanks and planes with no hope that this war is ever ending," Jamal said.

In southern Gaza, drone footage on social media, which Reuters could not immediately authenticate, showed dozens of houses destroyed in parts of Rafah, with the Swedeya village on the western side of the city wiped out.

There was no immediate Israeli military comment on the military action.

International mediation backed by the U.S. has failed to yield a ceasefire agreement although talks are continuing amid intense Western pressure for Gaza to receive more aid.

Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said on Wednesday that he had discussed his proposals for governance of post-war Gaza that would include local Palestinians, regional partners and the U.S. but that it would be "a long and complex process".

Senior U.S. officials told Gallant, who was visiting Washington, that the U.S. would maintain a pause on a shipment of heavy munitions for Israel while the issue is under review. The shipment was paused in early May over concerns the weapons could cause more Palestinian deaths in Gaza.

Hamas says any deal must end the war and bring full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, while Israel says it will accept only temporary pauses in fighting until Hamas, which has ruled Gaza since 2007, is eradicated.

When Hamas-led militants stormed into southern Israel last October, they killed around 1,200 people and seized more than 250 hostages, according to Israeli tallies.

The Israeli offensive in retaliation has so far killed 37,765 people, the Gaza health ministry said on Thursday, and has left the tiny, heavily built-up Gaza Strip in ruins.

The Gaza health ministry does not distinguish between combatants and non-combatants, but officials say most of those killed have been civilians. Israel has lost 314 soldiers in Gaza and says at least a third of the Palestinian dead are fighters.

 

Reuters

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine does not want to ‘prolong war’ - Zelensky

A settlement plan to end the Russia-Ukraine conflict should be tabled within the next few months, Vladimir Zelensky has said, claiming Kiev does not actually seek to prolong hostilities for years to come.

He made the remarks on Thursday during a joint press conference with European Council President Charles Michel. Zelensky had traveled to Brussels to sign a security deal with the European Union guaranteeing defense assistance to Kiev, including weapons deliveries and training.

Zelensky used the opportunity to claim that he is not actually seeking to prolong hostilities for years to come.

“Ukraine does not want to prolong the war. We do not want it to last for years,” Zelensky stated, making a rare remark on the extent of damage and casualties suffered during the two and a half-year-long conflict.

“We have many wounded and killed on the battlefield. We must put a settlement plan on the table within a few months,” he added without providing any exact figures.

Kiev has long kept silent on the casualties it has suffered in the conflict, insisting instead that it has inflicted massive damage on Russian troops. In February of this year, Zelensky claimed as few as 31,000 Ukrainian troops had been killed in the two years of conflict.

Russian Defense Minister Sergey Belousov estimated recently that Kiev had lost 35,000 troops in May alone while his predecessor Sergey Shoigu claimed in February that Ukraine had lost more than 440,000 soldiers throughout the conflict.

The extremely heavy losses suffered by the Ukrainian military are implicitly corroborated by the ever-intensifying forced mobilization drive in the country as well as frequently reported attempts by draft dodgers to escape the country.

The recruitment drive, launched early into the conflict, has been growing increasingly violent, with numerous videos circulating online showing enlistment officers snatching would-be recruits in the streets, brawling with them, threatening them with firearms, and subjecting them to other forms of abuse.

 

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine military says Russian troops pushed out of part of key eastern town

Ukraine's military said on Thursday its forces had forced Russian troops out of a district in the town of Chasiv Yar on the war's eastern front seen as Moscow's next target in its slow advance through the area.

But a Russian report said Moscow's forces had destroyed a communications tower near the town and made further headway.

Russian forces are slowly pushing their way across parts of eastern Ukraine, capturing several villages since seizing the key city of Avdiivka in February.

Chasiv Yar stands on high ground 20 km (12 miles) to the west of Bakhmut, a town Russian forces captured a year ago after months of battles. Both sides see Chasiv Yar as a potential staging point for Russia to advance on the key cities of the eastern Donetsk region, including Kramatorsk and Sloviansk.

Nazar Voloshyn, a spokesman for Ukraine's southern group of forces, told the Ukrinform news agency that Russian forces had moved out of Chasiv Yar's "Kanal" district along the Siverskyi Donets-Donbas canal that runs along the town's eastern edge.

"Ukrainian defenders have indeed squeezed Russian forces out of the Kanal district in Chasiv Yar in Donetsk region," Ukrinform quoted Voloshyn as saying. "The enemy army is no longer there."

Voloshyn told other Ukrainian media outlets that Russian troops were shelling Kyiv's forces in more than 200 incidents over 24 hours, mostly on the town's southern approaches.

The Ukrainian military's General Staff, in a late evening report on Thursday, said Russian troops had tried to push back Ukrainian forces six times near Chasiv Yar. Three attacks were repelled and fighting still gripped the area.

Ukraine's embassy in Washington posted a plea on social media platform X to stop Russia's advance on Chasiv Yar, saying Russia was "desperately trying to wipe out the town targeting even damaged churches and civilian residential blocks of flats.

"We must prevent Russia from turning it into a ghost city before it's too late."

A dispatch by Russia's Tass news agency quoted the commander of a Russian brigade, Stanislav Orlov, as saying his forces had destroyed a communications tower on the town's highest point.

"This allowed for a breakthrough to be made without losses," the dispatch quoted him as saying.

Ukraine has long anticipated a Russian advance on the town.

Its top commander, Oleksandr Syrskyi, said last month that Moscow's forces had hoped to capture Chasiv Yar in time for May 9 ceremonies marking the anniversary of the Soviet victory in World War Two.

 

RT/Reuters

It was different 16 years ago. Very different. At that time, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) was relatively new and walking where angels feared to tread. That was unusual for a government institution, especially a law enforcement agency.

So unusual that one of Nigeria’s most courageous social crusaders, Gani Fawehinmi, a thorn in government’s side, joined forces with the commission in the fight against corruption even when the man he loved to hate, Olusegun Obasanjo, was president.

But you couldn’t blame Gani. The first decade after transitioning to civilian rule in 1999 was an “enough moment” for Nigeria. It was a time when it became clear that among the country's many problems, corruption would either kill it or it would have to kill corruption.

Like Ribadu, like Githongo

Nuhu Ribadu, an assistant commissioner of police from a family with a distinguished record in the security services, had the most unwanted job of being the first chairman of the EFCC. He took the job when his counterpart in Kenya, John Githongo, was famously saying the most significant threat in fighting corruption is corruption itself. It would fight back.

Githongo was right. Corruption in Kenya fought him back so furiously that it exiled him to the UK. You can read the rest of the story in Michela Wrong’s It’s Our Turn to Eat. To help Ribadu deal with his own misery back home, the press pitched in big time. It took it as its own war to the point where the commission was often accused of media trial.

I felt obliged to document parts of that era in the bookThe Trial of Nuhu Ribadu: A Riveting Story of Nigeria’s Anti-corruption War, published by Spectrum Books.That was in 2008, when, as my mother would have said, the world was asleep. There was no Instagram, and Twitter was only two years old.

Mack Zuckerberg was 19, and Facebook was four. That was the era when respectable newspapers scooped one another by paying the author to be the first to serialise the book, while street rags ripped the same book for fast bucks. I know that thanks to technology, there has been a somewhat deadly mutation, but that’s not where I’m going.

Journey to a sequel

My point is that when I wrote my first book 16 years ago, the options and opportunities for sharing – or promotions – were minimal. Of course, big-time authors sold in millions even decades ago. But newbies like me still struggled with only perhaps a cat hell’s chance of making their voices heard. Not so anymore.

That’s one of the reasons why promoting my new book, Writing for Media and Monetising It, has been different. Unlike The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu,which you’ll have to scratch your head to remember if it was ever written and who the author was, this new book has been in your face from day one!

I have thoroughly enjoyed the experience of promoting it – being in front, sharing moments with followers and readers whose feedback, sometimes hilarious, sometimes cryptic, but mostly enthusiastic, has been altogether encouraging. After seeing the promotional videos, some folks have even jokingly asked if I had not missed my career train!

Beyond Nollywood things

Much of the impact of the promotional tour resonated during the public presentation of the book in Abuja on Wednesday, June 26 – an event that had one of the best collections of professionals and persons from all walks of life. It was conceived, developed, and executed by friends working assiduously in the background with LEADERSHIP and Premium Times Books.

You’ll have to believe me when I say Writing for Media and Monetising It is much more than the stunts and amateur videos. It’s a book written from my heart. The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu is different, not for a shortage of heart but for the nature of the narrative. It's a snapshot of what, at the time, was an evolving history.

This new book was, to paraphrase Francis Bacon, part of the repayment of the debt to my profession. I wrote this book to give back to the craft that fostered me.

The change we’re living through is relentless, a point poignantly made by Reuben Abati, who reviewed the book, and the cross-generational panel of discussants chaired by Abiodun Adeniyi. There is a shortage of resources, especially for young journalists, writers, and content creators, who must adapt well to the changing seasons. This book tries to fill the gap.

As contained in the statement by PT Books when the book was released, “navigating the exciting maelstromthat the media – and its various iterations or strands of practice – have become.” I couldn’t agree more.

Clear, simple and concise writing is a craft. Writing for Media and Monetising It, is not only about such writing. It is also about how to get compensation for it.

What’s in a book?

The book provides a step-by-step approach, with many examples and insights on media law, writing for impact, syndication, generative AI, and managing feedback and trolls, among other things.

The unique quality of the book is that it combines the seasons that fostered my career, to borrow from Sonala Olumhense’s blurb, with a narrative of how younger writers can take advantage and be rewarded by evolving trends in the media.

This 15-chapter book also benefits hugely from interviews with some of the best, from Abimbola Adelakun, Fisayo Soyombo to Ruona Meyer and from Farooq Kperogi, Sam Omatseye to Toyosi Ogunseye, and Pulitzer Prize winner Dele Olojede, who gave an interview for the first time in 13 years.

One matter that has come up repeatedly, both before and after the presentation, is whether it is possible to “make money” in the media today and, if so, whether that point is sufficiently addressed in the book. Unlike The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu, which tries to capture an evolving attempt to tackle systemic corruption and its inherent challenges, the new book examines the threats and opportunities in the media. Even though it focuses on journalists and journalism, its broader scope is how to get reward for literary work, especially in a convergent world.

The heart of the matter

The summary of the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris, was that “The book significantly closes the gap between practice and entrepreneurship – a gap that has impoverished the media industry!” Of course, the media is not the only “victim” of the harsh economic tide.

But the point in Idris’s intervention, amplified by the panel comprising Kadaria Ahmed, Ahmed Shekarau and Emeke Ishiekwene, is also about adaptation and research – metrics that need not only be measured by the quantum of immediate financial gains. Scale, niche and leverage of a content creator’s cultural assets will deliver benefits, ultimately.

So, what next? That was another great question after Wednesday’s presentation. Will it take another 16 years before a sequel? There's never been a holiday between The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu and Writing for Media and Monetising It. But this work, which greatly benefited from the interviews and resources of great content creators, strongly suggests that to be more, we must challenge ourselves to do more!

** Ishiekwene is the Editor-In-Chief of LEADERSHIPand author of the new book Writing for Media and Monetising It.

 

 

In 1989, the call of duty and pull of family  necessitated that I travel from my London partial base to New York. I was  checked in on  a British Airways flight from London to New York. We were set to leave Heathrow shortly after the usual pre-departure rituals.

I was seated on an aisle seat on row 2 in the First Class cabin courtesy of my employers then. I noticed that on both sides of the aisle in my front, the two seats on each row were unoccupied. It was a bit curious. I reckoned it was either a VIP reservation or there would be air Marshals on board. But marshals do not occupy prominent front row seats on aircraft they are protecting. Those were the days when it had become mandatory for major Western airlines on international routes to have armed Marshals on board in the event of terrorist hijack attempts.

As the pre-departure announcement was about to commence, the four ‘missing’ First Class passengers boarded. I looked up. There was a stately lady accompanied by three  smart-suited gentlemen. They allowed the lady to take her seat before they sat down in a manner that flanked the lady in a window seat on the left side of the aisle. Before the lady took her seat, she courtsied and flashed a brief plastic smile at those of us seated immediately behind her with a hardly audible “Good afternoon”.

On came the Captain’s voice: “Honorable Prime Minister and valued guests, welcome to this British Airways intercontinental service taking us straight to New York’s Kennedy Airport….Flight time is… En route weather…Mild turbulence on the Atlantic crossing….”

The female last minute passenger was none other than  the then British Prime Minister, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher. That was her penultimate year in office. She was flying a commercial airline as a passenger to New York, obviously en route Washington.

On arrival in New York, Mrs. Thatcher courteously disembarked, accompanied by her three self-effacing security escorts. They just disappeared through the crowd followed by the rest of us passengers. No limousines at the foot of the aircraft. No long assault rifles, horsewhips, combat gear and orchestrated commotion, etc.

As Chairman of the Editorial Board of the renascent Daily Times under Yemi Ogunbiyi, I went to Harare to interview President Robert Mugabe in 1992. He was scheduled for a state visit to Nigeria on President Ibrahim Babangida’s invitation. I flew to Harare via Nairobi on what used to be Balkan (Bulgarian) Airlines. After my interview, Mugabe kindly asked me how I was returning to Lagos. I told him. Then he politely offered me a seat in his jet: ‘we have a large plane and can offer you a seat.’

The next day, I showed up at the airport. After the president’s ceremonial departure rituals, his aides took me on board the aircraft and got me seated. It was an Air Zimbabwe Boeing 727 with clear commercial livery. The crew were Air Zimbabwe pilots, cabin crew and co-pilots. The president was proudly flying a commercial aircraft and was proud of it. As soon as we reached cruising altitude, the president walked round the cabin for courtesy chats. He stopped by me to express delight that I accepted his offer of a ride. He told me Nigeria trained most of their combat pilots prior to independence.

I provide these anecdotal experiences against the backdrop of a simulated debate that is brewing in the country. A few voices have been raised in the National Assembly in support of buying two new aircraft for the presidential fleet to replace the current aircraft. If the kite flies, the President and the Vice President respectively would jet around the world in brand new luxury jets. To all intents and purposes, the aim of the brewing noises in the NASS is to give legislative legitimacy to a decision that may already have been made. I am not sure whether there is any provision in the 2024 budget for these aircraft or the idea is just a whiff of presidential wish that needs some legislative stamp. It is too early to tell but clearly, the matter of new presidential jets is on the table of public debate.

Nigeria’s Presidential Jet

Those who are pushing this agenda have cited recent hiccups in the performance of the jets in use. When the president recently travelled to the Netherlands on an official visit, his follow-on trip to Saudi Arabia for the World Economic Forum had to be undertaken in a hired aircraft as the presidential jet reportedly developed problems in Amsterdam. Shortly after that, Vice President Kashim Shettima who was headed for the United States to represent Nigeria at a major foreign policy event reportedly had to make  an air return early in the flight as his own aircraft also reportedly developed a fault mid air. The conclusion is that these aircraft are either too old or poorly maintained to be trusted to ferry the two first citizens around safely.  Whatever the political nuisance value of our first two citizens, we want them alive and safe.

The matter of safety of high level aircraft in use by heads of government has been elevated by two recent air accidents that claimed the lives of incumbent high level government officials. The first was the helicopter crash in the mountains of northern Iran that claimed the life of the Iranian president, Mr. Raisi. The second is the incident that claimed the life of Malawi’s Vice President, Saulos Chilima. In the absence of detailed accident investigation reports on both incidents so far, the easy conclusion has been that faulty aircraft may be the prime causes of these unfortunate events. The lazy and convenient conclusion is of course that the only way to get presidents and their deputies to arrive their destinations in one piece is to equip them with brand new aircraft. The Nigerian  purveyors of this lazy option have spared no time for possibilities of weather, sabotage, bad maintenance or indeed human error.

Consequently, those advocating the purchase of new aircraft for Tinubu and Shettima have tacitly accused opponents of the huge expenditure on new aircraft of wishing our president and his deputy dead if they continue flying in the old aircraft.

Irrespective of such morbid thinking, opponents of the purchase of new presidential jets are predicating their contention on purely socio-economic reasons. The self evident argument is that the purchase of new presidential jets cannot qualify as a priority given the sorry state of the national economy and the avalanche of problems and hardships that Nigerians are currently living with. The facts are self-evident.

The nation is in a poor shape. Hunger and poverty are too prevalent. Everyone is unsafe as swarms of bandits and casual killers are all over the place taking lives and inflicting harm sometimes for the fun of it. Healthcare is beyond reach as the prices of essential drugs and medications have shot through the roof. The state itself has its back on the wall as most economic indicators – inflation, exchange rate, interest rates, unemployment, foreign investment etc - are all flashing red. The matter of new presidential jets in those circumstances becomes a matter of deficient prioritization. Why would we prioritize the procurement of luxury jets when the vast majority of our people are in desperate deprivation while the government is preaching sacrifice and imposing a battery of inexcusable taxes on everyone for the most essential service and public goods?

The political opposition has weighed down heavily on even the mere suggestion that any government of Nigeria in these circumstances would even dream of additional luxury jets for Tinubu and Shettima in these times. Justifiably, the opposition has pointed at recent instances of unnecessary luxurious indulgence by the administration in the 2024 budget. They point at the purchase of countless expensive luxury SUVs for legislators and high government officials, the contentious presidential yacht, the expensive new habitations for the Vice President, the expensive refurbishment of official residences and offices of the already over indulged executives, etc. The obvious conclusion is of course that a government that can prioritize unnecessary items of luxury at huge costs while the people wallow in poverty and extreme deprivation can only be insensitive and callously indifferent.

Yet the transportation of Presidents, Vice Presidents and other key officials of state have become part of the architecture of the modern nation state. The Presidential jet in particular has become an emblem of national prestige and status. In some ways, the size, functionality and opulence of a country’s presidential jet has become an unstated indicator of the diplomatic gravity of the nation in question. However, the presidential jet as an indicator of national strength and grandeur is more meaningful when the nation in question is an industrial power and therefore produces the aircraft used by the leader to project and exhibit national power and greatness. America’s Air Force One, Vladimir Putin’s clone of the American model or Mr Xi Jiping’s aircraft or that of Narendra Modi have all become emblems of the greatness and technological advancement of these countries.

As a matter of fact, Air Force One is not a badge name permanently affixed to any one aircraft. It is merely a call sign. Any aircraft in which the US President is travelling at any given time is called Air Force One! The customized Boeing 747 normally associated with the Air Force One label is merely an emblematic showpiece. It is not only one. There are more than one with the same specifications, outfitting, self-protection counter measures and communication gear such that the president of the United States can literally run his country and the world from the aircraft anywhere in the world.

On the basis of its stature as the biggest black nation in the world, the Nigerian president should not travel in dilapidated aircraft that park up at every stop. Minimally, our presidential aircraft should be air worthy and reasonably impressive without being ostentatious. The current aircraft in use is a modest Boeing 737 Executive jet that actually understates Nigeria’s stature. Any two penny American company Chief Executive owns or flies in something better and more impressive. We should do better.  But the time is wrong to even contemplate a fleet of new aircraft. It is not just enough to purchase one aircraft each for the President and Vice President respectively. Ideally the shopping list ought to be for at least two – a main and a back up – for each of them. But we cannot afford these now.

There are options that could be cost saving. The first is to fly the present Boeing 737 Business jet in use by the President back to the Boeing factory in Seattle, Washington  for a thorough comprehensive factory overhaul. That would be less expensive than ordering a brand new custom made aircraft. The overhauled and updated aircraft should serve our president another couple of years while the pressing issues in the nation’s economy are hopefully fixed. The amount of savings made on such an overhaul alternative should be made public.

A more realistic, politically savvy option would be to hire one of Air Peace’s Boeing 777 long range aircraft each time the president has to make a long distance journey. For the purpose of such a hire, the hired aircraft will carry the call sign of “Nigerian Air Force One” till it finishes the mission. For the purpose of such an arrangement, the Nigerian Air Force should have a presence in the cockpit of the aircraft in question. This arrangement would be realistic, cost effective and patriotic. The political capital would complement the economic gains and give the president a win-win dividend at home where his popularity rating is at best abysmal.

If reason fails, the Kamikaze option would be the one that is already being rehearsed. Get National Assembly approval for new jets, submit a supplementary budget to accommodate the cost of these new jets, order the aircraft but continue to hire or travel by commercial aircraft till the new jets are delivered. There will be both turbulent headwinds and violent tailwinds with this option. But for a government that can withdraw fuel subsidy, devalue the Naira, revert to the old national anthem overnight and sign the N18 trillion Lagos- Calabar Alaskan highway contract and damn the consequences, mere controversy over aircraft purchase may just be a passing noise. Heavens will not fall, so their thinking at the Villa goes. But what if Nigeria falls apart?

Taking a daily multivitamin does not help people to live any longer and may actually increase the risk of an early death, a major study has found.

Researchers in the US analysed health records from nearly 400,000 adults with no major long-term diseases to see whether daily multivitamins reduced their risk of death over the next two decades.

Rather than living longer, people who consumed daily multivitamins were marginally more likely than non-users to die in the study period, prompting the government researchers to comment that “multivitamin use to improve longevity is not supported”.

Nearly half of UK adults take multivitamins or dietary supplements once a week or more, part of a domestic market worth more than half a billion pounds annually. The global market for the supplements is estimated to be worth tens of billions of dollars each year. In the US, a third of adults use multivitamins in the hope of preventing disease.

But despite the popularity of multivitamins, researchers have questioned the health benefits and even warned that the supplements can be harmful. While natural food sources of beta-carotene protect against cancer, for example, beta-carotene supplements can raise the risk of lung cancer and heart disease, suggesting the supplements are missing important ingredients. Meanwhile iron, which is added to many multivitamins, can lead to iron overload and raise the risk of cardiovascular disease, diabetes and dementia.

For the latest work, Dr Erikka Loftfield and colleagues at the National Cancer Institute in Maryland analysed data from three major US health studies. All launched in the 1990s and gathered details on participants’ daily multivitamin use. The records covered 390,124 generally healthy adults who were followed for more than 20 years.

The researchers found no evidence that daily multivitamins reduced the risk of death and reported instead a 4% higher mortality risk among users in the initial years of follow-up. The greater risk of death may reflect the harms multivitamins can cause or a trend for people to start daily multivitamins when they develop a serious illness. Details are published in Jama Network.

Dr Neal Barnard, an adjunct professor of medicine at George Washington University and co-author of a commentary published alongside the study, said vitamins were useful in specific cases. Historically, sailors were saved from scurvy by vitamin C, while beta carotene, vitamins C and E, and zinc appear to slow age-related macular degeneration, a condition that can lead to severe loss of eyesight.

It is also the case that vitamins may be beneficial without reducing the risk of early death. A preliminary study in 2022 found evidence that multivitamins might slow cognitive decline in old age, but more research was needed.

Yet “multivitamins overpromise and underdeliver,” Barnard said. “The main point is the multivitamins are not helping. The science is not there.” Instead of taking multivitamins, we need to eat healthy foods, he said, which provide a broad range of micronutrients, macronutrients and fibre, while limiting saturated fat and cholesterol.

Duane Mellor, a registered dietitian and senior lecturer at Aston medical school, said: “It’s not surprising to see these do not significantly reduce the risk of mortality.

“A vitamin and mineral supplement will not fix an unhealthy diet on its own, but it can help cover key nutrients if someone is struggling to get them from food. An example of this might be vitamin D where adults in the UK are encouraged to take as a supplement in winter or vegans and vegetarians who might benefit from a supplement of vitamin B12.”

 

The Guardian, USA