In 1954 John Verity lost his job because he won an argument. It was in his ninth year in office as Chief Justice of colonial Nigeria. John arrived in Nigeria in October 1945 from the British Guyana, where he had served in a similar position since 1941. At the time, Nigeria was still a unitary system under colonial rule. 

Two years before John’s arrival in Nigeria, the Native Courts (Colony) Ordinance of 1943 had created a “Supreme Court of Justice” for the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria. Taslim Elias, the distinguished academic who was destined to play a significant role in the administration of law and courts in post-colonial Africa, described the structure of the colonial court system that John met on arrival in Nigeria as comprising “a Supreme Court, which is the highest court for the territory. It consists of two parts, a Divisional Court and a Full Court (as in the West African colonies), or a High Court and a Court of Appeal (as in several other colonies such as Jamaica, Singapore and Kenya), or simply a High Court (as in Uganda and Northern Rhodesia).”

That system had existed with modest adaptation since the Amalgamation in 1914. In his Amalgamation Report in 1919, Frederick Lugard, Nigeria’s founding Governor-General, pointed out that it was made up of a Chief Justice and Puisne Judges who “sat at certain places and visited on Assize the ‘District Courts.’”

Six years into John’s tenure as Chief Justice, in 1951, the colonial government turned the country into a federation. Two years later, one of the issues to engage the constitutional conference that began in London was the implication of this new structure for judicial administration. As the conference began, the delegates – mostly politicians who preferred in the language of the day to be called “nationalists” – advocated the decentralisation of the judiciary. John opposed the proposal, venturing with what proved to be accurate foresight, that such a step “might lead to judges and magistrates becoming tools in the hands of politicians” and “might eventually lead to the control of the judiciary by the Executive.” 

The conference relocated to Lagos in 1954 where the politicians overwhelmingly approved the proposal to regionalise the judiciary. Having lost the fight over the future of the judiciary that he led, John opted to take early retirement from the office of Chief Justice. He was the penultimate English man in the role. 

In the reorganisation of the court system that followed upon the conclusion of the constitutional conference, the Federal Supreme Court (FSC) was created in 1954. The regions had high courts from which appeals could go to the FSC. The highest court for the country remained the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London. 

By 1963, the nationalists fighting for independence one decade earlier had metamorphosed into political incumbents seeking control of the courts (like their colonial predecessors). The Privy Council had effectively ruled in favour of the opposition Action Group (AG) on the question whether the regional governor could remove renegade premier, Ladoke Akintola, without a formal vote in the regional parliament. 

Confronted with the loss of a prized ally helpfully decimating the ranks of a loathed political foe (like a certain minister is doing today for the ruling party), the then ruling federal coalition led by the Northern Peoples’ Congress (NPC), legislated the Privy Council out of existence, abolished the Judicial Service Commission, and made the Supreme Court Nigeria’s apex court. John’s prophecy had become reality. 

Although the 1963 Constitution enabled the court to sit “in such other places in Nigeria as the Chief Justice of Nigeria may appoint”, the Supreme Court has functioned from its seat, first in Lagos when it was the capital city for the first three decades after independence and, thereafter, from Abuja, the current federal capital. The fortunes of the court have waxed and waned in symmetry with the political economy of Nigeria. Unlike other courts in the country, there are no divisions of the Supreme Court. 

For much of its life, the Supreme Court was an all-comers affair for appeals “on questions of law.” As the claims on the court’s judicial bandwidth rose and the political economy of the country grew more complex, it was predictable that its docket would increase. The sensible thing to do was to reform the law governing access to the Supreme Court – as well as its doctrine – to keep pace with the increasing demand for the rarefied attention of the court and preserve its authority. This was not done.

Instead, since the onset of the current elective dispensation in 1999, the Supreme Court became preoccupied with electoral and political disputes. Among the many consequences from this, two are notable. First, the preoccupation of the court (and of the judiciary below it) with political and electoral disputes increasingly tasks its credibility. Second, the resulting prioritisation accorded by the court to political cases has created an intolerable backlog to which there is no sensible solution under the current system of judicial administration. The result is that appeals not involving senior politicians or election results vegetate interminably in the bowels of the Supreme Court with no reasonable chance of getting heard. 

It is right that this situation should engage the attention of senior lawyers and senior politicians. Manu Soro, the member of the House of Representatives representing Darazo/Ganjuwa Federal Constituency of Bauchi State, has decided to bell the proverbial cat. On World Anti-Corruption Day, 9 December 2024, his bill for Supreme Court reform was gazetted. 

The bill proposes – among other things – to authorise the establishment of five regional divisions of the Supreme Court, with the one in Abuja serving as the headquarters. The bill comes complete with a political geography of the proposed divisions: Umuahia (Abia State) to serve the south-east; Bauchi (Bauchi State) for the north-east; Uyo (Akwa Ibom) for the south-south; Lagos (Lagos State) for the south-west; and Kano (Kano State) for the north-west. The declared objective of the bill is “to enhance access to the highest justice, to minimise the logistical cost of accessing justice and to ensure timely dispensation of matters brought before the apex court.”

Commendable as it is for initiative, this bill is plainly misguided for many reasons. First, it misconceives and mis-characterises the mission of the Supreme Court. Second, it has no diagnosis for the problems that ail the Supreme Court and, to the extent that it evinces any, offers no reasonable solution to them. Third, it offers a misplaced geographical and genealogical solution for a crisis of jurisdictional sclerosis and unimaginative judicial administration that it is unable to see.

The most charitable anyone can be about this bill is that it is hare-brained. The solution that it offers is guaranteed to make the situation worse, not better. It will also dis-establish the court because a “Supreme Court” that sits in judicial divisions will be neither apex nor supreme. 

The crisis of appellate throughput and its consequences which presently afflicts Nigeria’s Supreme Court is too serious to be banished to post-codes defined by geographies of genealogy. To address it, the supply of appeals to the court will need to be constrained significantly. The administration of the court needs to be overhauled and professionalised; and case management needs attention too. The one thing the court cannot afford is precisely what this bill seeks – to cannibalise it into a collection of judicial Bantustans.

•A lawyer & a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

Will Fan

Key Takeaways

• AI is great for automating repetitive tasks and and identifying patterns at scale, but it's not ready to make sophisticated decisions that require intuition, creativity or context.
• AI should be used as a tool to support decision-making, not replace it — businesses should integrate AI to enhance efficiency and provide insights, but human oversight is essential for making strategic and context-rich decisions.
• The best approach is to start small by identifying repetitive tasks and testing AI tools to see how they perform. Then you can gradually expand AI's role while ensuring that humans remain at the center of creative and strategic decision-making.

AI is no longer a futuristic buzzword; it's here, and it's reshaping how companies operate. From automating repetitive tasks to offering insights that were once impossible to uncover, AI has become integral for businesses looking to scale smarter, not harder.

But with the rise of AI agents — tools capable of interacting autonomously — we're on the cusp of a new chapter in how AI integrates into daily processes. For industries like education, Web3 and beyond, the key is learning where AI excels (and where it doesn't) to make the most of this game-changing technology.

The power of pattern recognition

One of AI's greatest strengths lies in its ability to identify patterns at scale. Companies like Netflix and Spotify have been leveraging AI to recommend content based on user behavior for years, but recent advancements take this to a whole new level. Take Grammarly, for instance. In the past three years, the platform's AI has evolved beyond just identifying grammatical errors to providing tone, style and clarity suggestions, helping users write better emails, essays and even social media posts. For businesses, this means less time spent on mundane tasks like proofreading or data entry, allowing teams to focus on higher-value activities.

For startups in education or Web3, pattern recognition can unlock similar efficiencies. Imagine an educational platform that identifies which students are struggling with specific concepts and provides tailored lessons. Companies like Khan Academy are already experimenting with AI tutorspowered by OpenAI, which can adapt lessons in real time based on a student's progress. In Web3, AI can analyze blockchain data to detect irregularities, flagging potential security risks faster than any human team could.

If your business involves large amounts of data, AI should be your go-to tool for finding actionable insights. Use it to automate repetitive processes and identify trends, but don't expect it to make creative leaps or nuanced decisions — at least not yet.

AI's limits: Sophistication and decision-making

While AI excels at recognizing patterns, it's not ready to make sophisticated decisions that require intuition, creativity or context. Case in point: autonomous driving. Companies like Tesla and Waymo have made significant strides in using AI for self-driving cars, but true Level 5 autonomy — where vehicles can navigate any scenario without human intervention — remains elusive. Why? Because real-world driving involves split-second decisions and unpredictable variables that AI struggles to process without human oversight.

This limitation is just as relevant for businesses. AI can help a Web3 company analyze wallet activity to spot trends, but it won't tell you whether launching a new token is the right move for your community. Similarly, in education, AI can flag students who are at risk of dropping out based on attendance and grades, but it can't have a heart-to-heart conversation with those students to understand the underlying issues.

The business takeaway: Use AI as a tool to support decision-making, not to replace it. Empower your team with AI-driven insights, but remember that the final call should come from a human who can factor in context and nuance.

Integrating AI into daily processes

So, how can businesses integrate AI into their day-to-day operations without falling into the trap of over-reliance? The answer lies in striking a balance between automation and human input. Let's look at how some companies are doing it right.

Slack, for example, has integrated AI into its platform to help teams stay organized. Its AI can suggest channels, prioritize messages and even automate routine workflows, freeing up employees to focus on strategic initiatives. However, Slack doesn't pretend that its AI can replace the creativity and collaboration that happen in team discussions. Instead, it positions AI as a tool to make those discussions more productive.

In education, Duolingo has embraced AI agentsto provide personalized feedback to language learners. By analyzing user mistakes, Duolingo's AI can adapt lessons to each learner's weaknesses, keeping users engaged and improving retention. Yet, the platform still incorporates gamification and human-designed curricula, ensuring that AI enhances rather than overshadows the learning experience.

The takeaway here is that AI works best when it's integrated as a complement to your team's existing workflows. Start small: Identify repetitive tasks that drain time and energy, and test AI tools to see how they perform. From there, expand AI's role while ensuring that humans remain at the center of creative and strategic decision-making.

The future of AI and your business

As AI continues to evolve, the businesses that succeed will be the ones that understand how to use it effectively. This doesn't mean jumping on every new AI trend or tool; it means aligning AI capabilities with your company's specific needs and goals. For example, if you're in Web3, use AI to enhance transparency and security, but don't expect it to replace the trust-building that's central to your community. If you're in education, leverage AI to scale personalized learning, but don't lose sight of the importance of human teachers and mentors.

AI is a powerful ally, but it's not a silver bullet. It's excellent for accelerating processes, identifying patterns and providing data-driven insights, but it still needs human oversight to make meaningful, context-rich decisions.

So, as you consider integrating AI into your business, ask yourself: Where can AI save us time and uncover opportunities? Where do we need human judgment to lead the way? By answering these questions and keeping a balanced approach, you'll not only stay ahead of the curve — you'll redefine what's possible for your industry.

Entrepreneur

A wave of criticism has trailed the recent naming of a newly constructed army barracks in Asokoro, Abuja, after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, bringing the number of institutions named after him to five since he assumed office in May 2023.

The Bola Ahmed Tinubu Barracks, inaugurated on January 23, 2025, comes shortly after the federal government approved the establishment of Bola Ahmed Tinubu Polytechnic, Gwarinpa, also in Abuja, to promote technological, vocational and entrepreneurial education.

The trend, according to findings, began 11 months ago when the Niger State Government in March 2024 renamed the Abubakar Imam International Airport in Minna as Bola Ahmed Tinubu International Airport, sparking outrage, particularly among residents of Rafi Local Government Area, the home of the late Abubakar Imam Kagara. The renaming was controversial as the airport had only been named after Abubakar Imam in June 2023 in recognition of his contributions to northern Nigeria’s literary, political and educational landscape.

Similarly, in May 2024, the National Assembly Library and Resource Centre was inaugurated and named the Bola Tinubu Building, while in December 2024, the Nigeria Immigration Service named its state-of-the-art technology complex after President Tinubu, citing his commitment to innovation.

Beyond these five institutions, there is also a proposed Bola Ahmed Tinubu Federal University of Nigerian Languages in Aba, Abia State. A bill for its establishment was introduced in the House of Representatives in October 2024, aimed at advancing higher education in Nigerian languages and cultures.

Weekend Trust reports that despite not breaching any known law, the trend of naming institutions after a sitting president has raised moral and ethical concerns. The controversy around these renaming exercises continues to intensify, particularly due to the perception that they are politically motivated.

Historical context of military barracks naming

Historically, the naming of military barracks has followed a pattern of honouring those who contributed significantly to the country, particularly in the context of wartime heroes or military leaders, or to recognise some significant historical locations, mostly relating to military events.

In an article titled Barracks: The History Behind Those Names, historian, Nowa Omoigui recalled how, in September 2002, the then Minister of Defence, Lt. Gen. TY Danjuma (retd) set up a Military Installation Naming Committee to assess the propriety of naming military installations after individuals. The committee comprised Brig-Gen Mobolaji Johnson (retd); Lt-Gen M. I. Wushishi (retd), General D. Y. Bali (retd), Major-General M. C. Ali (ertd) and Brig-Gen Pius Obi (retd), with Brig-Gen A. N. Bamali as the secretary,

Omoigui recalled that among other things, the committee was tasked: “To determine the propriety or otherwise of naming military installations after individuals; to examine ways of reviving the names inherited from colonial era that have now been abandoned; to recommend appropriate additional names arising from the Nigerian Civil War, ECOMOG operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone and any other peacekeeping operation in which Nigerian troops suffered casualties.”

At the time, barracks were traditionally named after specific battles or locations in which Nigerian troops had been involved, particularly during the Nigerian Civil War and the peacekeeping operations in Liberia and Sierra Leone. For example, Arakan Barracks and Myohaung Barracks were named after campaigns during the World War II era, and Tamandu Barracks was named after a notable battle in the northern region.

Specifically, the minister was quoted as saying: “At no time was any barracks named after individuals, whether dead or alive. The first departure from this practice was recorded when the military cantonment in Kaduna was named after Alhaji Muhammadu Ribadu, the first Minister of Defence.”

The naming conventions for military barracks was updated after the review committee’s work, which led to several barracks being renamed after prominent Nigerian military figures, including Yakubu Gowon, Sani Abacha, Aguiyi Ironsi, Ibrahim Babangida, and Olusegun Obasanjo. The change was seen as an effort to honour and solidify the legacy of the country’s military leadership and to further instill a sense of patriotism.

But during the administration of President Umar Musa Yar’adua, the policy was partly reversed. It was ordered that military barracks, formations and institutions previously named after individuals — particularly former heads of state and military officers —should revert to their original names or be renamed in line with military traditions. 

Accordingly, the Obasanjo Barracks in Abuja was renamed Mambilla Barracks; Mohammed Buhari Barracks reverted to its former name, Lungi Barracks; and Ibrahim Babangida Barracks changed back to Maimalari Barracks in Maiduguri.

The decision was seen as an effort to depersonalise national military assets and restore professionalism in the armed forces.

A moral issue, not legal

While it is not uncommon for governments around the world to name institutions after past leaders or significant figures, critics have raised concerns about the practice of naming critical institutions after sitting presidents. In particular, the growing trend of naming various public facilities after President Tinubu has been met with widespread disapproval. Many argue that this practice reflects a troubling pattern of self-promotion and is not in line with democratic principles.

Seun Onigbinde, the co-founder of BudgIT, a civil society organization dedicated to promoting transparency and accountability in Nigeria, took to X (formerly Twitter) to express his concerns. 

He wrote: “In less than a year, four public institutions have been named after President Bola Tinubu. This abuse of norms is rooted in the sycophantic culture that has grown in recent times. The president should put a stop to this as he is signaling a culture that is highly unacceptable.”

Onigbinde’s statement summed the criticism that this renaming trend represents a form of sycophantic excess, where institutions are manipulated for the benefit of those in power, rather than being named in recognition of true merit or service to the country. He contended that this practice diminished the significance of public institutions by associating them too closely with the personal image of the sitting president.

In support of Onigbinde’s criticism, another observer commented: “Nothing to worry about, once power changes hands, it will be returned to the initial name it was bearing,” even as another posited that “institutions and public infrastructures will begin to have name changes every 4/8 years with the cost burden on public purse.”

Another commentator, Okediran Adeyemi submitted that, “This act promotes sycophancy and undermines meritocracy. Such honours should be reserved for leaders’ post-tenure whose legacy of service or sacrifice is undeniable.”

Civil society groups respond

The practice has also been condemned by several prominent civil society groups who argue that it undermines democratic values and fosters an unhealthy culture of personality worship. 

Dr Moses Paul, the convener of the Free Nigeria Movement, a coalition of activist groups, expressed his dismay at the direction the administration is taking. He stated that naming significant public institutions after a sitting president compromised national integrity and undermines the democratic process.

He described the renaming of a military barracks in Asokoro after Tinubu as particularly egregious. 

“Military barracks are not mere structures; they are sanctuaries of sacrifice, discipline, and service to the nation. Naming one after a sitting president while countless soldiers have paid the ultimate price for our security dishonours their memory,” he said.

Paul argued that globally, public infrastructures are named after individuals whose contributions have stood the test of time. “Nigeria’s military has suffered immense losses in the fight against insurgency. Naming barracks after fallen soldiers would be a far more fitting tribute,” he said.

He warned that such actions erode public trust in governance, signalling a lack of accountability and a tendency toward self-glorification.

“We call on the federal government to review these decisions. Nigeria deserves a leadership that respects its history, honours its heroes and prioritises its people over self-aggrandisement. True leadership is measured not by names on buildings but by lasting impact on citizens’ lives,” he said.

Comrade Ibrahim Zikirullahi, the executive director of the Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), also condemned the renaming of institutions, arguing that such actions are part of a broader strategy to consolidate political power rather than honouring individuals who have made lasting contributions to society.

“Naming government institutions after public figures is not alien to Nigeria, but the manner in which the current administration is naming almost every government institution after President Tinubu is disturbing. The standard practice is for successors to honour a leader after they leave office. Naming institutions after a sitting president not only undermines historical continuity but risks politicising public resources,” he said.

Comrade Zikirullahi’s remarks stressed the risk of undermining democratic norms by introducing a cult of personality, where every administration seeks to secure its place in history at the expense of public trust and transparency.

Efforts to get the reaction of the Presidency on the matter were unsuccessful as none of the spokesmen could be reached for comment.

The Special Adviser to the President on Media and Public Communication, Sunday Dare and Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga did not respond to calls put across to them.

Also the Special Adviser to the President on Policy Communications, Daniel Bwala, could not be reached on phone. Messages sent to their mobile phones was yet to be replied as at the time of filing this report.

N’Assembly urged to make it legal issue

The Executive Director of the Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC) and Head of Transparency International Nigeria (TI-Nigeria), Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, was equally critical of the trend, warning that the practice sets a dangerous precedent that could have far-reaching consequences for the country’s political culture. He cautioned that such actions might lead to the instrumentalisation of public institutions for partisan purposes, which undermines the democratic ethos of national development.

“The concentration of national symbols and institutions around a sitting president reflects an attempt to monopolise public spaces and institutional memory for personal glorification. This is not the kind of democratic politics we should encourage,” Rafsanjani said.

He went on to draw comparisons with other countries, highlighting the political implications of similar actions by other leaders around the world. He noted the cases of Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda and Vladimir Putin in Russia, where the naming of institutions after sitting leaders was part of a broader strategy of consolidating personal power and entrenching their legacies. In all of these cases, he argued it led to long-term political instability and a weakening of democratic institutions.

He noted that leaders world over who truly seek to build their legacies often do so by creating lasting change that benefits the entire country, not by altering public infrastructure for the sole purpose of reinforcing their personal image.

Rafsanjani urged the National Assembly to pass a legislation prohibiting the renaming of public institutions after sitting officials. He suggested that any renaming of public assets should only be carried out after broad consultations and with the input of the civil society to ensure that it reflects the interests of the people rather than the preferences of those in power.

“Any decision to rename public institutions should involve broad consultations with stakeholders, including civil society and the public,” he said.

He stressed that this process is crucial in ensuring that such renaming exercises do not become tools for political manipulation but rather serve to honour leaders whose actions have had a lasting, positive impact on the country.

Lagos and Tinubu’s political influence

Beyond the federal level, Lagos State, where Tinubu served as governor from 1999 to 2007, has been another focal point for his legacy-building efforts. Tinubu, often regarded as a political godfather in Lagos, enjoys widespread loyalty among the state’s political elite, which has resulted in numerous institutions named in his honour. 

Some of these facilities are the Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu Ultra Modern Market, Ijaiye Ojokoro; Bola Tinubu Memorial Hall, Ifako-Ijaiye; Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu Block at Ojokoro LCDA; Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu Ultra Modern Market, Ijaiye Ojokoro, Lagos; Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu Legislative Building, Kosofe, Lagos; Bola Tinubu Memorial Hall inside Ifakojaiye LCDA, and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu Civic Centre, Ifako Ijaiye LCDA.

Others are Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu Health Centre, Aboru, Oke Odo; Bola Ahmed Tinubu Estate, Abule Egba;  Ahmed Tinubu Modern Market, Agbara;  Bola Tinubu Staff Quarters, Alausa Secretariat Bus Stop; Bola Tinubu Model Market Idimu; Bola Ahmed Tinubu Train Station.

Many argue that these re-naming serve to reinforce his dominance within the local political landscape

However, some critics have acknowledged that while Tinubu’s influence in Lagos is significant, these renaming might also be a signal of the growing trend of consolidating political power through symbolic gestures.

Speaking anonymously, a Lagos-based chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) defended the naming of institutions in Tinubu’s honour, arguing that his contributions to the state and the country in general warrant such recognitions.

“He touched lives across Nigeria. He raised people, made them senators, House of Representatives members and more,” he said.

Yet, even in Lagos, the timing of the renaming has sparked debate, with some observing that it may be premature to place the names of living leaders on public institutions. 

The chieftain of the ruling party acknowledged that while Tinubu’s legacy should eventually be honoured, the renaming of facilities during his presidency might be seen by some as politically motivated.

Prof Sylvester Odion, a Lagos-based political scientist, also criticised the renaming of institutions while a leader is still in power, asserting that it is inappropriate and undermines the democratic values that should guide such decisions. He also echoed the sentiments that leaders should be celebrated for their service only after they leave office, when their legacies can be more accurately assessed.

“Celebrating oneself while in power is improper. It is better for the society to acknowledge you after office based on merit,” he said.

Daily Trust

Former Provost Marshal of the Nigerian Army, Brigadier General Idada Ikponmwen (retd.), Udom Ekpoudom, Deputy Inspector General of Police, (retd.), and other Niger Delta stakeholders have urged the Federal Government to stop chasing oil thieves with already compromised security officials.

The stakeholders who appraised information leakage by security agents to oil thieves said thieves in military uniforms would not deter thieves in civilian uniforms; rather, both would join hands together, which is currently the fad. They said some high-profile criminal gangs were conscripting their members into the nation’s security forces and urged the government to fish out the saboteurs and deal with them.

Controversial bombshell

The Chairman of the Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, Government Ekpemupolo, alias Tompolo, in November, last year, accused some security officials of complicity in oil theft. He spoke when he received the national leadership of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, led by its President, Afam Osigwe, at Oporoza, Delta State. Tompolo said Navy officials shot at operatives of Tantita, NSCDC and DSS who arrested a vessel in Rivers State and Ovwian in Delta State in recent encounters.

He said, “We want the NBA to support the President of this country and Tantita Security Services because while doing this work, we step on the toes of the big boys over there in Lagos, and Abuja. Most times, you see that Tantita Security now has confrontations with the Nigerian Navy and every well-meaning Nigerian knows the function of the Nigerian Navy and Tantita now, but nobody wants to come out to face the truth. If we happen to arrest anybody now, they will get a lawyer from Abuja, Lagos, or Ibadan to do your case very well.

“The GMD said production has increased to 1.8mbd. Some few days back, our people intercepted a vessel in Port Harcourt, where the Nigerian Navy was shooting at Tantita Security, with Police, DSS, and Civil Defence. We want to implore and beg that you have a role to play in this present situation because if we are not careful in this country we may not have money to do any reasonable thing. All of us here know that Nigeria is facing hardship. We are going to do our part locally but you are there at the top. If we make any arrest today, lawyers will stand on the other side and on this side. I appeal that you help us. Nobody can load a vessel of 500 metric tonnes in this area because they do not have the capacity. The person comes from either Lagos, Abuja or neighboring countries. So we have to step on a lot of toes.

“I cannot travel anywhere after my court cases because of the key people fighting this battle. If I want to travel to Abuja to visit you, I have to go with security. If I have two or three security personnel, none of them is happy with Tompolo and they are now even working with people that are top players of oil theft,” he added.

Inaugurate Marines to fight oil thieves —Ikponmwen, ex-Army Provost Marshal

Ikponmwen, a distinguished South-South leader, who spoke to Saturday Vanguard in Benin City, Edo State, attributed the ongoing charade to systemic failure, saying the Nigerian Navy, which is the country’s lead agency in the war against oil thieves, had no business pursuing oil thieves, which is poles apart from its primary role.

According to him,”there are so many reasons why oil theft has not been solved; I do not think anybody takes the question of tackling it seriously. We have been hearing that the military is involved; are you not aware that those who are supposed to keep the law are the ones breaking it? When the people who are supposed to fight the scourge are deeply involved in it, who do we blame? Is the military supposed to police the seas? The primary responsibility of the Navy, jointly with the Army and the Air Force, is to protect the territory of Nigeria and preserve it from external aggression. That is the primary role of the military. Take the Navy out of this. Look at the United States that we have copied, they have the Marines.

“The Marines are responsible for the security of the maritime and the high seas, why can’t we create the necessary organs that can fight these oil thieves? The system is ineffective, we are running a democracy, but we all know there is no democracy.”

Govt. should deal with security infiltrators — Ekpoudom, ex-DIG

Ex-DIG Udom Ekpoudom, speaking in Uyo, Akwa-Ibom State, expressed concern about security officials passing information to criminals, saying the thievery would continue under such a situation if unchecked. He advised the government to ensure that security operatives who sabotage the fight against oil theft were dealt with, saying, “you cannot be fighting crime and be a criminal at the same time. But that is if the recent revelation by ex-militant leader Tompolo is true.”

Implement a see-through metering system — Brador, ex-oil bunkerer

A former oil bunkerer, Niyi Brador, stated, “As a way out of these endless accusations and counter-accusations, the federal government should adopt a transparent metering system in the oil industry to know the actual volume of crude oil leaving every flow station.

“The security agencies should not be blamed alone; the oil industry is also not immune to the large-scale corruption rocking the Nigerian society.”

Criminal gangs conscript members into our security forces — Akpan, activist

The Executive Director of the COMPPART Foundation for Justice and Peace building in Akwa Ibom State, Saviour Akpan, said, “Unfortunately, the problem is associated with the recruitment process into the nation’s security forces. High-profile criminal gangs sponsor their members into different law enforcement and security agencies in Nigeria.

“Secondly, 98 percent of those who joined the nation’s security and armed forces were not out of patriotism but because the security sector has openings that can absorb even the starkest illiterate, who become a menace to the nation’s security apparatus.

“Thirdly, our reward and sanction system does not encourage patriotism, especially now that the number of people waiting to loot or steal the nation’s commonwealth is even greater than those currently stealing. I am not surprised with the revelations of the different actors and victims of this third-degree security services provision because the system encourages it.”

Oil cabal bigger than Tompolo, Tantita, says Clarkson, ex-MOSIEND spokesperson

A lawyer and former Spokesman of the Movement for the Survival of Ijaw Ethnic Nationality in the Niger Delta, MOSIEND, Amaebi Clarkson, said Tompolo’s disclosure that some security officials were compromising the battle against oil theft by leaking information to the oil thieves was only re-echoing what was in the public domain.

According to him, “We, particularly in the Delta, know that our boys are not the major culprits in the illegal bunkering enterprises. The so-called Niger Delta youths branded as oil thieves are small fries. They neither have the resources to bring in vessels nor the reach and logistics to navigate deep seas where the oil businesses are done.

“I have said in several forums that the government knows the oil thieves and is possibly part of the racketeering. They only try to make a public show of this wolfish cry of oil thieves and parade our youths as fall guys for their thriving business. The Nigerian Navy should have the gadgets to know, see, and monitor any vessel that enters our territorial waters, so why are they unable to apprehend the thieves?

“Tompolo and his Tantita are a pawn in the chess game in the web of a well-oiled bunkering enterprise. He should get his cruise while it lasts because the players are far above his league. The Nigerian state cannot simply run institutions ranging from law enforcement agencies to economic regulation. It is worthless analyzing micro-aspects of a national metastasis.”

Slur campaign against Tompolo — Ekerefe, activist

National Leader of New Era Movement, a Niger Delta advocacy group, Ebilade Ekerefe, said: “Though Tantita Security Limited has played a pivotal role in the fight against crude oil theft in the Niger Delta region and significantly boosted daily crude oil production capacity of Nigeria, it is obvious that some bad eggs in the security agencies in collaboration with some big oil thieves are not comfortable with the operations of the company. They are doing everything, including sponsoring a smear campaign against Tompolo and Tantita Security Limited. While everyone is entitled to free speech, it is unacceptable for our people to be used to fighting a proxy war in favor of the oil cabals.

“We call on our brothers involved to desist from such acts and give room for dialogue and constructive engagement if they have genuine concern or grievances.”

Oil theft is an organized crime — Gbemre

Social justice advocate and Coordinator, Niger Delta Peace Coalition (NDPC), Zik Gbemre, who noted Nigeria’s military involvement in oil theft, however, said Tompolo had no moral justification to engage in the recent blame game he sparked on the fight against intractable oil theft in Nigeria.

“The Defense Headquarters can no longer live in denial of the military’s deep involvement in oil theft. They aid and abet or directly engage in the money-spinning economic sabotage. Oil theft in Nigeria is an organized crime that involves collusion by critical stakeholders, including the IOCs, militant leaders, security agencies, industry regulators, especially the NNPCL, host community players, power brokers in government, and contractors who fix vandalized assets.

“This is already an open secret. Tompolo is not the first person to raise these allegations. As governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike fearlessly mentioned names of security personnel and service commanders directly sponsoring oil theft in his domain at the time.”

Vanguard

The drop box visa processing option is no longer available for US visa applicants in Nigeria, marking a significant shift in the visa renewal process.

Nairametrics sources confirm that the service, which previously allowed eligible applicants to renew their visas without an in-person interview, has been quietly removed from the appointment booking system.

While the US Embassy in Nigeria has yet to issue an official statement on the change, applicants attempting to schedule visa renewals have reported that the drop box feature is no longer an option on the appointment booking platform.

Appointment backlogs 

Applicants who spoke to Nairametrics stated that they have not been able to access the platform suggesting that it may have been removed.

However, Nairametrics sources confirm the feature may have been removed as a slew of executive orders from Donald Trump started to impact the world.

This development is coming amid a backlog of visa applications, with many applicants waiting months to secure drop box appointments before this removal.

• Some even reported waiting nearly a year to get a physical appointment, adding to the frustration of an already tedious process.
• This change comes at a time when many applicants had already been struggling with long wait times—some as long as a year—to secure an in-person visa appointment.
• As of January, dropbox appointment slots were unavailable in Lagos, pushing many applicants to seek alternatives in Abuja.

Now, with the complete removal of the drop box feature, all applicants will have to go through in-person interviews, returning to the process that was in place before 2020.

What you should know  

The drop box (Interview Waiver) program in Nigeria was initially introduced to ease the visa renewal process by allowing certain applicants to submit their documents without attending an in-person interview at the US Embassy or Consulate.

To qualify, applicants had to meet specific criteria, including:

• Having a prior US visa that expired within the last 24 months.
• The previous visa must have been issued in Nigeria as a full-validity, multiple-entry visa.
• Applying for the same visa classification as the prior approved visa.
• No record of overstaying, working without authorization, or having criminal convictions in the US.

In August 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic,the US Department of State expanded eligibility, allowing those whose visas expired within 48 months to apply through the drop box system.

This measure aimed to streamline visa renewals and reduce in-person interactions amid pandemic restrictions.

However, the drop box service in Nigeria has faced previous suspensions. In 2018, during Donald Trump’s first administration, the US government removed the option, citing concerns over visa overstays by Nigerian travellers.

At the time, the US mission mandated in-person interviews for all applicants, leading to longer processing times and delays in securing visa appointments.

With the recent removal of the drop box feature, Nigerians applying for US visas will now revert to full in-person interviews, adding to the already extended wait times for visa appointments. This policy shift may significantly impact business travelers, students, and frequent visitors who previously relied on the drop box system for faster renewals.

Nairametrics

It’s been an exciting week, as Elon Musk and the DOGE have exposed the United States Agency for International Development for wasting our tax dollars on the most far-leftist, anti-American, and just outright stupid causes.

While the American public at large is just now learning that USAID has been squandering our hard-earned money by the billions on dangerous and laughable causes alike, Glenn Beck has been sounding the alarm on USAID for years.

“USAID, as we have always told you, is an arm of the CIA. Anything that is too risky to do that you just don't want to do in the CIA because somebody's paying attention, you do it at USAID,” he says.

“All the color revolutions that happened all around the world, they were done by us. The Arab Spring was done by us. … It was USAID,” he adds.

While the mainstream media are working overtime to write off every shocking revelation as a conspiracy theory and spin a narrative of Trump cruelty, their claims are easily debunked with receipts, which, thanks to the DOGE, we now have in abundance.

Glenn reads some of the most shocking evidence of USAID’s prodigal spending.

• “$7.9 million to teach Sri Lankan journalists how to avoid binary gendered language”
• “$4.5 million to combat disinformation in Kazakhstan”
• “$2 million for sex changes and LGBT activism in Guatemala”
• “$2.1 million to help the BBC value the diversity of Libyan society”
• “$10 million worth of USAID-funded meals went to an al-Qaeda linked terrorist group”
• “$6 million for tourism in Egypt”
• "$5 million to EcoHealth Alliance, one of the key NGOs funding bat virus research in the Wuhan lab”
• “$1.1 million to an Armenian LGBT group”
• “$1.5 million to promote LGBT advocacy in Jamaica”
• “$2 million to promote LGBT equity through entrepreneurship in Latin America”
• “$2.3 million for artisanal and small-scale gold mining in the Amazon”
• “$5.5 million for LGBT activism in Uganda”

Glenn and guest co-host Pat Gray point out that the money going to some of these impoverished countries could be legitimately transformative if it were only used for the right reasons instead of advancing leftist political agendas.

“I don't care who you voted for; every American should be pissed off at this,” says Glenn.

The list above is just a fraction of the examples Glenn gives.

The Blaze

Hamas frees three hostages, Israel begins releasing Palestinians

Palestinian militant group Hamas on Saturday handed over three Israeli hostages whose gaunt appearance shocked Israelis, and Israel began freeing dozens of Palestinians in the latest stage of a ceasefire aimed at ending the war in Gaza.

Ohad Ben Ami and Eli Sharabi, who were taken hostage from Kibbutz Be'eri during the Hamas-led attack on southern Israel on October 7, 2023, and Or Levy, who was abducted that day from the Nova music festival, were led onto a Hamas podium by gunmen.

The three men appeared thin, weak and pale, in worse condition than the 18 other hostages already freed under the truce agreed in January after 15 months of war.

"He looked like a skeleton, it was awful to see," Ohad Ben Ami's mother-in-law, Michal Cohen, told Channel 13 News as she watched the Hamas-directed handover ceremony, which included the hostages answering questions posed by a masked man as militants armed with automatic rifles stood on each side.

In another show of force by Hamas, which has paraded fighters during previous releases, dozens of its militants deployed in central Gaza as it handed hostages over to the International Committee of the Red Cross.

The hostages were then driven in ICRC cars to Israeli forces and into Israel, where they had tearful reunions with family members, and flown to hospitals. "We missed you so much," the mother of Or Levy, Geula, said as she hugged her son.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the sight of the frail hostages was shocking and would be addressed.

Israel's President Isaac Herzog described the release ceremony as cynical and vicious. "This is what a crime against humanity looks like," he said.

The Hostage Families Forum said the images of the hostages evoked images of survivors of Nazi concentration camps during the Holocaust. "We have to get ALL THE HOSTAGES out of hell," it said.

In exchange for the hostages' release, Israel was freeing 183 Palestinian prisoners, some convicted of involvement in attacks that killed dozens of people, as well as 111 detained in Gaza during the war.

Cheering crowds greeted the buses as they arrived in Gaza, embracing the freed detainees, some of them weeping with joy and tearing prison-issued bracelets off their wrists.

Among those freed in Ramallah, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, was Eyad Abu Shkaidem, sentenced to 18 life terms in Israel for masterminding suicide attacks in revenge for Israel's 2004 assassinations of Hamas leaders.

"Today, I am reborn," Shkaidem told reporters as the crowd cheered.

The Palestinian Red Crescent medical service said six of the 42 released in the West Bank were in poor health and were taken to hospital. Some prisoners complained of ill-treatment. "The occupation humiliated us for over a year," said Shkaidem.

PAINFUL RETURN

Some hostages face a painful return. Sharabi's two teenage daughters and his British-born wife were slain in the Hamas attack on Kibbutz Be'eri, where one in 10 residents was killed.

Israel's Channel 12 said Sharabi had not been told about their deaths and asked where they were when he arrived.

Levy will be reunited with his three-year-old son. His wife was killed in the attack.

Hagar Mizrachi from Israel's Ichilov Hospital said the hostages exhibited severe weight loss and malnutrition.

Sixteen Israeli and five Thai hostages have been released so far and 583 Palestinian prisoners and detainees have been freed.

The first 42-day phase of the ceasefire, mediated by Washington, Cairo and Doha, has largely held since it took effect on January 19.

Netanyahu sent a delegation for talks in Doha on Saturday, Israel's Channel 12 reported, citing a political source.

Concern the deal might collapse before all remaining 76 hostages are free has grown since President Donald Trump's surprise call for Palestinians to be moved from Gaza and for the enclave to be handed to the United States and developed into the "Riviera of the Middle East".

Arab states and Palestinian groups have rejected Trump's proposal, which critics said would amount to ethnic cleansing. Hamas said on Saturday its armed display at the hostage handover showed it could not be excluded from post-war Gaza arrangements.

Netanyahu welcomed Trump's intervention and his defence minister has ordered the military to make plans to allow Palestinians who wish to leave Gaza to do so.

Under the ceasefire deal, 33 Israeli children, women and sick, wounded and older men are to be released during the first stage in exchange for almost 2,000 Palestinian prisoners and detainees.

Negotiations on a second phase began this week aimed at returning the remaining hostages and agreeing on a full withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza in preparation for a final end to the war.

Hamas-led gunmen killed some 1,200 people and seizing more than 250 as hostages in the October 7, 2023 attack, according to Israeli tallies.

The offensive Israel launched in response in Gaza has killed more than 47,000 Palestinians, according to Gaza health authorities, and devastated much of the enclave.

Reuters

WESTERN PERSPECTIVE

Ukraine says Russia launched 139 drones overnight

Ukraine's air force said on Saturday it shot down 67 of 139 Russian drones launched overnight, while another 71 disappeared from radar without reaching their targets.

RUSSIAN PERSPECTIVE

Ukrainian strike on Donbass city kills one and injures 10 – authorities

The Ukrainian military has launched a missile strike targeting the center of the city of Makeevka in the Russia's Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR), the region’s head Denis Pushilin said on Saturday. The attack hit a residential area, killing one person and injuring 10 more, he relayed.

Russian air defense systems were able to intercept the Ukrainian missile, but its fragments nevertheless fell in the central city district, Pushilin said in a statement published on his official Telegram channel. Several apartment blocks as well as 15 cars were damaged in the strike, he added. Makeevka is an eastern suburb of the region’s capital, Donetsk.

According to Pushilin, a child was among those injured in the attack. Everyone who was hurt in the strike is receiving all the necessary medical aid, he said.

A video from the scene obtained by the Ruptly video agency shows firefighters and emergency services assessing the damage dealt to one of the apartment blocks in Makeevka. The building is seen visibly affected by the attack, with most of its windows smashed and many balconies either destroyed or severely damaged. Burnt out pieces of car wreckage can be seen in the yard near the building.

Another clip which was also obtained by Ruptly showed apartments in one of the damaged buildings filled with broken furniture and littered with debris and shattered glass.

The Russian Foreign Ministry has sharply condemned the attack, blaming it both on Kiev and its Western backers. The strike demonstrates the “Nazi nature” of the Ukrainian government, the ministry’s spokeswoman Maria Zakharova said in a statement, adding that the country’s military had deliberately targeted a densely populated area. “We resolutely condemn this criminal act of terrorism,” she said.

According to Zakharova, the Western governments that continue to “pump” Ukraine full of weapons are responsible for the attack alongside the country’s military. She also called on all the “responsible governments” and international bodies to condemn the attack.

Russia has consistently accused Ukraine of launching strikes on civilian targets amid the ongoing conflict between Moscow and Kiev.

Earlier this week, Russian officials accused Ukraine of striking a school vehicle in Zaporozhye Region. According to its governor, Evgeny Balitsky, the attack seriously injured the bus driver and also wounded five children.

Earlier, DPR officials also stated that another Ukrainian strike in the area had injured 10 civilians in one day.

Reuters/RT

There is a lot of anguish in The Guardian family concerning a statement by publisher Maiden Ibru at the ThisDay 30th Anniversary Awards.  I write as a pioneer staff member of The Guardian.

I have said that it is unethical for a media organisation to establish and administer titles and awards.
This is even more dangerous if the awards involve people or organisations about whom it reports, with no clear standards about how “winners” are determined.

That is the precinct of show business—or politics—not journalism.  The dangers are limitless in the same sense that a man, once he pays the prostitute, forever averts his eyes from hers in public.

In a normal world, it is the friends and admirers of ThisDay who should have been giving it applause and awards, not the reverse.

That would have included “Lifetime” award recipient Mrs Ibru.

“It is definitely the number one paper in the country,” she said of ThisDay.  “It is a fact. I’m the publisher and chairman of the Guardian newspaper. ThisDay newspaper is the #1 newspaper in Nigeria.”

Mrs Ibru is no Katherine Graham, and her newspaper’s dwindling presence at the newsstand and among critics is evidence of her limitations.

On the contrary, ‘The Flagship of the Nigerian Press,” which she inherited, epitomised success.

For first place in the industry, it had no peer. As its Ombudsman, I testify to the paper’s relentless drive for excellence. Every edition sold hundreds of thousands of copies, and none of our staff members had a complex.

Mrs Ibru’s confession is a reminder of how The Guardian lost its way and how badly it cries for leadership: the flagship variety.

Speaking of leadership, one often hears in Nigeria that when you fight corruption, it fights back.

Is it possible that corruption fights “forward”?  Think about this: For nearly decades, Nigeria has fought insecurity, an ailment that, in the hands of the ruling APC, now has several mutations.

Despite huge annual investments in the military, particularly in air power, we are losing each of them.

Currently at the heart of this effort is Nuhu Ribadu, the National Security Adviser.

In November 2023, he lambasted the government of Muhammadu Buhari, declaring that it had left Nigeria bankrupt.

It was a strange claim, given that Ribadu’s boss, Bola Tinubu, has never said one word against that government. Even before the election which brought him to power, he affirmed that if he won, he would continue with Buhari’s legacies.

Neither at Tinubu’s inauguration nor in the months that followed did he criticise the Buhari years.  He described his predecessor as having served Nigeria with “dedication and uncommon zeal.”

Contrary to the whining of his NSA, Tinubu has not acknowledged any of the maladministration and malfeasance that brought Nigeria to its knees.

Only one or two of Buhari’s most compromised officials are in court, let alone in jail.

And so, in November 2024, Ribadu turned to the old art of praising the present instead, publicly listing and applauding something he called “Tinubu Gains.”

“There are so many things happening in our country today,” he declared. “There are things we want to call Tinubu’s gains, and reforms.”

He then added this rather curious line: “No one dares Tinubu and wins. No one fights Tinubu and wins.”

If you knew Ribadu, that was a strange thing for him to say, as it was almost without context.

Last week, it appeared to make sense when he claimed never to have called Tinubu corrupt.

It was stunning, but I decided that he was right if the reference was to the man who appointed him to his current life.

Maybe that is where Ribadu’s mind is. Maybe his calendar dates only from May 2023, when Tinubu took office, and does not scroll further back.

The problem is that Tinubu became prominent as Governor of Lagos State in 1999, the period in which the word “wealthy” began to appear before his name.

The relationship between both men broke into the open in September 2006 when Ribadu, as chairman of the EFCC, arrived in the Senate to fulfil his commission’s legal obligation of an annual report.

If ‘Ribadu Time’ goes back that far, he certainly did publicly identify Tinubu as corrupt, and to list him among the first set of corrupt governors in the Fourth Republic.

That singular performance is exactly when Ribadu morphed from political appointee to celebrity.

Reporting, he listed 15 governors and three former governors for corruption issues, identifying Tinubu’s as having an “international dimension.”

When he ran for president on the platform of Tinubu’s ACN party, he denied having labelled him corrupt.

Ribadu confirmed his Senate presentation a few months later at the Lagos Airport when he specifically identified three governors: Tinubu, Orji Kalu (Abia) and Ibrahim Shekarau (Kano) as awaiting prosecution for corruption once they lost their constitutional immunity in May 2007.

Unknown to Nigeria at the time, Ribadu had also in 2006 chaired an anti-corruption Joint Task Force (JTF), instituted by President Olusegun Obasanjo.

The JTF report indicted 15 governors, including Bayelsa State Governor Goodluck Jonathan and Tinubu, for false declaration of assets and breaching the Code of Conduct for public officials.

They were to be prosecuted under the Code of Conduct Bureau Act.

Whether Ribadu ever called, indicted or denounced Tinubu as corrupt is therefore clearly untrue. Two issues should however be of public concern.  The first is the quality or fidelity of Ribadu’s memory, an issue I previously addressed in August 2014 in “Nuhu Ribadu, Then And Now.”

In that 2006 Senate appearance, Ribadu listed one woman who had attracted the serious attention of the EFCC.

In October 2007, I would describe her as “Nigeria’s Most Powerful Woman.”

Her name: is Patience Jonathan, who was at the time of Ribadu’s EFCC report the wife of the Governor of Bayelsa State. In just one month, the commission had seized from her first, N140m, and then $13.5m.

But in a NigeriaVillageSquare interview in 2010, Ribadu swore that he “never invited Mrs Jonathan for questioning or took her statement!”

That was strange: in August 2006, he filed lawsuit Number FHC/ABJ/M/340/06 against Mrs. Jonathan at the Federal High Court down the road.

And then in 2013, after he called Nigeria under President Jonathan a ‘sinking ship,’ that government denounced him as “shameless,” saying that he accepted “to become the political lackey of a man he once openly accused of corruption at various times between 2004 and 2007.”

The second and more important concern for Nigerians is the insecurity nationwide. Given NSA Ribadu’s memory—or character—lapses, is that office in good hands?

Better still, is the NSA in a good heart if Ribadu is forever juggling his relationship with Tinubu with Nigeria’s security needs?  Remember: civilians are routinely bombed in Nigeria, while the insurgents and kidnappers appear to enjoy the same cosy life as the Nigerian political elite in Abuja.

Ribadu appears to be the best investment that Tinubu ever made, defanging the hostile tiger and nurturing it into an affectionate, Siamese cat which meows, “No one dares Tinubu and wins.”

Does corruption fight back, or is it people who fall forward?

Punch

My glory was fresh in me, and my bow was renewed in my hand. Unto me men gave ear, and waited, and kept silence at my counsel ~ Job 29:20-21.

Introduction

Whatever is received as a precious gift from the Lord must be retained, and even maintained, if we’re to enjoy the ongoing blessings it brings. Whenever we access His glory, it must remain evidently fresh in our lives, not attenuated. Nonetheless, this calls for sound wisdom, firmness and discipline.

God’s glory is magnetic, pulling attention (Isaiah 60:3). It is progressive and declarative (Proverbs 4:18; Psalm 19:1). It also shouts majestically through the miraculous works of God and His natural wonders, so that no man can but acknowledge it (John 2:11; 11:4).

God’s glory shouts to us in the blue expanse of the clouds, the occasional rainbows on the horizon, the galaxies, the stars and the unreached exoplanets.Indeed, the entire creation amply reveals the glory of its Maker!

God is not withholding His glory; it’s especially found in Christ. When we duly behold it, we can fully enjoy it. However, there are certain divine values that must be well held before the glory can abide in our rising.

Maintaining the Freshness of God’s Glory

Maintaining the freshness of God’s glory in our lives demands that we live by faith(John 11:40). In life, challenges and trials are inevitable; notwithstanding, we must rise up and fearlessly maintain our position of trust in Christ.

It’s an invaluable part of our faith to maintain glory-provoking confessions. Every word we speak, and every confession we make, either moves us towards a higher level of glory or it pulls us away from it (Proverbs 18:21). We must learn to give life’s situations our own choice names of faith.

In Mark 4:35-41, there was an unusual “wind”; the disciples called it “storm” and they almost perished. However, Jesus Christ called it “peace”and the storm became still. “A man hath joy by the answer of His mouth” (Proverbs 15:23). No wonder that God told Moses: “I will be with thy mouth” (Exodus 4:12-15).

We must be strong in faith, and very courageous (Joshua 1:9). Only the courageous can conquer certain challenges of life. Albeit, it’s as we spend more time in prayers and with the Word that we acquire more strength in the Lord (Ephesians 6:10-11).

Moreover, a consistent covenant walk with God freshens the glory. Shining in God's kingdom is incident upon our covenant walk with Him; we must be intentional about it. Surely, God will keep His own side of the covenant. It’s in our interest to keep our own side (Proverbs 3:5-7).

Be positively different in this world (Romans 12:2). Fortify yourself with right associations, and be averse to evil communications, thoughts and deeds.Avoid people that wouldn’t encourage you to move forward with Christ. The Bible says, "a companion of fools shall be destroyed" (Proverbs 13:20b).

When you surround yourself with people of godly sincerity and radiant positivity, life feels better and brighter (Hebrews 6:12).When you associate with eagles, you’ll soar to great heights; but if you stay with wolves,you must learn to howl. Negative views and dishonorable outlooks can only drain you.

If you’re truly resolved to maintain freshglory, never be surprised if some of your associates, or even inner circle friends, occasionally develop cold feet and eventually jump ship. Those who wish to crawl perpetually will never help you to climb the ladder of glory; and they cannot but find your companionship intolerable.

Again, don't be stagnant in your offering. By covenant, increase it as God blesses you. Yes, worldly wealth is a poor substance; but, we are commanded to honor God with it (Proverbs 3:9-10). Be regular also in the assembly of saints; it provokes an ongoing blessing of glory and strength (Psalms 84:7).

Essentially, be wise in the sight of God by being a soul-winner (Proverbs 11:30). It practically provokes divine attention, and preserves the luster of God’s glory in your life, forever and ever (Daniel 12:3). Work very hard on this: it’s called purposeful living, and the glory of your life cannot be separated from it (John 4:34).

The greatest tragedy in life is not death, but failure to live purposefully while you’re alive. Let’s rise and be involved (1Chronicles 22:16). Sydney Smith admonished, saying: "Let every man be occupied, and occupied in the highest employment of which his nature is capable, and die with the consciousness that he has done his best".

Let’s work hard and smart too, both on our secular assignments and in our kingdom services. “An idle hand”, people say, “is the devil’s workshop”.

Work at being the best you can be for God. Work at reaching the apogee of your career and calling, to the glory of God. Work at bringing solutions to the hurting, aching and needy world. Work at building up Zion, and the glory of God will be ever fresh in you (Psalms 102:16)!

Moreover, as we work, let’s be disciplined. After getting what you prayed and worked for, you still need discipline to keep it."Discipline is the foundation upon which all success is built. Lack of it inevitably leads to failure" (Jim Rohn).

The indolent man is usually full of excuses. Notwithstanding, it’s in the nature of things that he should not succeed in anything. Idleness is the curse of man, not labour.Work may appear to be a burden and a chastisement, but it’s also an honor and a glory.

In conclusion, maintaining the luster of God’s glory in our lives requires that we walk in it, continuously, by the power of the Holy Spirit! The glory of God always looks for dedicated dwelling places.

The dwelling place for God’s glory in the Old Testament was the tabernacle, but we are God’s Tabernacle today (1Corinthians 3:16). Thus, the tabernacle is no longer a fixed building; it’s you and I. It can walkaround, preach the gospel and live to the ultimate glory of God!

After experiencing the glory at Pentecost, the early disciples became separate from the world and they lived as light in the midst of darkness. They went out, preached, worked miracles, turned the world upside down for Jesus Christ, and the Lord added to the Church daily, those who were being saved (Acts 2:47). Brethren, that’s the glory we should be operating in, and that’s the grand plan of God for every believer in Christ today!

In all spiritual reality, when we surrender our lives to Jesus Christ, the glory is automatically fitted to our feet to empower us to tread on Satan and all his minions (Isaiah 52:7; Luke 10:19-20).

We can then walk in power, carrying the divine presence, preaching the gospel everywhere and winning souls into God’s kingdom (Mark 16:15-20; Ephesians 6:15). Thereafter, the glory can only glow brighter and brighter in our lives! You won’t miss it, in Jesus name. Amen. Happy Sunday!

____________________

Archbishop Taiwo Akinola,

Rhema Christian Church,

Otta, Ogun State, Nigeria.

Connect with Bishop Akinola via these channels:

Facebook: www.facebook.com/bishopakinola

SMS/WhatsApp: +234 802 318 4987